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Relationship of Personal Experience of Violence and Witnessing Violence - Essay Example

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This essay "Relationship of Personal Experience of Violence and Witnessing Violence" focuses on a thin line between personal experience of violence and witnessing of violence. People who witness violence suffer similar consequences as those who directly experience violence. …
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What is the relationship between the personal experience of violence and the witnessing of violence? There seems a thin line between personal experience of violence and witnessing of violence. For instance, according to Wilson et al. (2005), people who witness violence suffers similar consequences as those who directly experience or victims of violence. Moreover, people committing violence in later life both experience or witness violence when they were younger because both situation creates fear (p.5). Possession of this fear on the other hand distorts and disorients the perspective of those affected up to the point that they eventually get involved in violence themselves (Skidmore, 2003, p.10). There seems no significant difference in people who either experience or witness violence in terms of effects as after the incident, they both tend to see the world as hostile and dangerous (Balter, 2000, p.699). They are likely distrustful of others and internalized that violence makes people stronger and powerful (ibid). For instance, in a study of children in El Salvador, majority of those who directly experience violence and mere witnesses of violence acts have common tendencies to internalize violence as a legitimate way to end the war (Green, 1994, p.233). Similar to fear, horror, abjection, and terror remind people of their vulnerability to injury or death and mortality of oneself. In Julia Kristeva’s “Power of Horror”, horror is the external feature of someone who is going through abjection (Kristeva, 1982, p.149), which is above all ambiguity (Jancovich, 2001, p.71). Similarly, terror can be omnipresent to those who experience or witness a violent situation as it not only destroys the social structure but makes victims live in state of fear for a long time (Green 1994, p.231). It is a “self-perpetuating force” (Skidmore, 2003, p.9) where collective denial is a way to survive. In Bosnia, behaviours like forcing family members to rape one another or forcing one to witness a family member being raped are similarly intended to entrench guilt on both victim and aggressor (Diken & Lausten, 2005, p.112). Clearly, there is not much difference in terms of consequences as fear, horror, abjection, and terror are being developed by both parties. Moreover, considering the notion that the primary issue in violence is the threat of self-extinction or death, the victim and witness are certainly susceptible to the same threat. For instance, the “space of death” strategy of the British according to Taussig (1984) in the Putumayo River in Colombia in the late 19th and early 20th century was to terrorize the minds and bodies of the locals on the possibility of extinction (p.468). Here, the space of death becomes a threshold and created meaning and consciousness among the locals (ibid, p.135). Arguing on the premise that the victim and witness of violence share similar thoughts about their vulnerability, mortality and self-extinction, the difference may be found elsewhere. For instance, children who were abused by their parents are not necessarily will be abusive of their children in the future. Similarly, those who witnessed their parents’ violence will not necessarily end up in violent marriages. For instance, the study conducted by Skidmore (2003) in Burma reveals that political violence, fear, vulnerability is a way of life but the Burmese are able to suppress their thoughts and feelings. In fact, these Burmese learned to deny this fear and convinced themselves that such fear will not bring them any advantage (p.18). Similarly, study conducted in Central American refugees living in Los Angeles California found majority of women living in state of emotional, physical, and social trauma. They always fear and horrified even in a safe environment particularly those who were victims of atrocities. For instance, Dona Martina in Linda Green’s “Fear as a Way of Life” is somewhat trying to forget her past but everything returns when she heard someone dies. This is because someone’s death reminds her of her own suffering and those who hunted and killed her husband (Green, 1994, p.246). Similar to the people of Burma, Dona Martina of Guatemala did not become violent but rather adopted an emotional survival strategy against political repression they have experienced (ibid). The relationship between the personal experience of violence and the witnessing of violence may be measured by the level of psychological impact as according to Wilson et al. (2005) those who were actual victims of violence are more affected by anxiety and depression (p.5). The anxiety and depression may be comparable to confronting the abject and experiencing fear and simultaneously establishing connection with it as the link between the abject and the subject (Kristeva, 1982, p.2). For instance, assessment of children’s problem behaviours, anxiety levels, and depression suggest that children who witnessed violence regardless of whether they are abused or not are experiencing difficulties in adjustment. In contrast, those who had both witness violence and abused shows significantly higher levels of anxiety and distress (Wiehe, 1998, p.95). Stressful experiences from either witnessing or experiencing violence on the other hand is often short-lived emotional and behavioural changes as the result of the study of traumatic stress in the UK in 1985 suggests (Hester, 2007, p.85). There is therefore a strong possibility that both witness and abused not only share similar intensity of suffering but also length of emotional changes. The above is not limited to children as women refugees from Guatemala also show different levels of emotional impact regardless of their experiences. Dona Martina for instance is severely affected because of the death of her husband and she cannot forget because there still no justice. Although Dona Isabel similarly lost her husband, her suffering is somewhat lighter and her only predicaments are being alone and afraid (Green 1994, p.249). In contrast, the urban Burmese result to alienation and vulnerability where fear is unethical and temporary, can be controlled and manipulated (Skidmore, 2003, p.16). The space of death strategy in the Putomayo River is associated with the culture of terror flourishing at that time and those like Timerman who examined the strategy suggest that it is a cultural elaboration of fear aimed to control the population (Tuassig, 1984, p.469). Certainly, this cultural elaboration of fear will result to similar levels of fear and widespread behavioural change throughout the population. The point is the fact that regardless of experience or level of participation, violence often results to emotional and behavioural changes. As mentioned earlier, there is no significant difference between being violated and witnessing violence in terms of emotional impact. Evidence suggests that those who witness violence have the same tendencies compared to those who survived actual violence. In Burma, those who alienate themselves from the source of fear and suffering long-term emotional impact are not necessarily victims of military aggression. Similarly, although, they were mere witness of violence, the suffering of Guatemalan women who lost their love ones is more severe than those who were actually abused such as the Bosnian raped victims whose attitude about violence is determined by a myth – active and passive women (Diken & Lausten, 2005, p.122). By analysis, experience of violence does not necessarily translate to transgression of the abused. Similarly, being a witness of violent does not necessarily lead to acceptance and adoption of such behaviour. What is more evident is the fact that they all suffer emotional problems after experiencing or witnessing violent acts. For instance, the common denominator between the Burmese, Guatemalan refugees and Bosnian raped victims is their emotional sufferings. There is no evidence to suggest that violent acts in these cases resulted to retaliation or violence against the perpetrators. For instance, the colonizers in Putumayo River starved and flogged Indians to death, tortured, castrated, amputated, burned, and beheaded. They forced Indians to work day and night without pay while their women and children were taken away for their pleasure. However, despite unimaginable violence, the Indians still humbled themselves and yield to the brutality of their colonizers (Taussig, 1984, p.476). The case of Putumayo River clearly suggest that even those directly experiencing horrifying violence are not striking back immediately and most probably denying their sufferings and gradually accepting violence as a way of life. The relationship between personal experience of violence and the witnessing of violence is clearly in matters concerning emotional or psychological impact. Both abused and witness sees the world differently after the violent act, becomes distrustful of others, and often legitimized violence as part of everyday life. They developed fear and become aware of their mortality and possible extinction through violence. The emotional changes can be either short-lived or omnipresent depending on the scale and psychological capability of those involved. Regardless of participation, victims and witnesses of violence share similar thoughts but not necessarily similar level of anxiety and depression. Although it is more likely for the abused to take more time in recovery from both physical and emotional trauma, those who witness violence may also experience lengthy prolonged sufferings particularly when someone so important is lost. There is therefore a close relationship between personal experience violence and witnessing of violence as both level of participation result to almost similar consequences. Bibliography: Balter L, (2000), Parenthood in America: An Encyclopaedia, Vol. 1, ABC-CLIO, US Blum A, (1996), Panic and Fear: On the Phenomenology of Desperation, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 4; pp. 673-698 Diken B. & Laustsen C, (2005), Becoming Abject: Rape as a Weapon of War, Body & Society, Vol. 11 (1): pp.111-128 Green L, (1994), Fear as Way of Life, Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 9, No. 2; pp. 227-256 Hester M, (2007), Making an Impact: Children and Domestic Violence: A Reader, Jessica Kingsley Publishers, UK Jancovich M, (2001), Horror, the Film Reader, Routledge, UK Kristeva K, (1982), Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection, Columbia University Press, New York Skidmore M, (2003), Darker than Midnight: Fear, Vulnerability, and Terror Making in Urban Burma, American Ethnologist, Vol. 30, No. 1: pp. 5-21 Taussig M, (1984), Culture of Terror- Space of Death: Roger Casement’s Putomayo Report and the Explanation of Torture, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 26, No. 3: pp. 467-497 Wiehe V, (1998), Understanding Family Violence: Treating and Preventing Partner, Child, Sibling and Elder Abuse, SAGE, UK Wilson R, Singer D, & Dowd N, (2005), Handbook of Children, Culture, and Violence, SAGE, UK Read More
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