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What is the Relationship Between Incarnated Women and Neglected Children - Research Paper Example

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This paper will focus on presenting basic facts about the incarcerated parents in the United States; the effects of parent and/or mother incarceration to the children that can validate neglect; the factors that affect the extent of the effects such as frequency of contact…
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What is the Relationship Between Incarnated Women and Neglected Children
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Introduction Child neglect is caused by several factors; it results to several negative and life-damaging effects too. One of the most common reasons of child neglect is parent or primary giver abandonment (World Health Organization, 2002). Studies show that although unintentional in nature, parent incarceration takes a certain form of abandonment by which ultimately result to child neglect (Seymour, 2001, p. 22). To be able to identify the relationship that exists between incarcerated women, specifically the mothers, and neglected children, this paper will subject the following data through critical analysis as Schirmer, Nellis, and Mauer (2009) of The Sentencing Project reported that mother incarceration generate more substantial negative effects than that of the fathers (p. 1). More specifically, this paper will focus on presenting basic facts about the incarcerated parents in the United States; the effects of parent and/or mother incarceration to the children that can validate neglect; the factors that affect the extent of the effects such as frequency of contact, the child’s living arrangement after parental incarceration, the marital status of contact, and other prominent factors; and how the government and society has acted in response to this situation. Facts about Incarcerated Parents and their Children The Bureau of Justice Statistics have started to conduct surveys via personal reviews on the data items that include the inmates’ family background “with a nationally-represented sample of inmates” to identify existing problems and provide appropriate responses to them (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008, p. 1). In the midyear of 2007, result showed that more than half of the around 1.5 million national prisoners or exactly 809, 800 of them, both fathers and mothers, have children aged 18 years or less (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008, p. 1). These children reach the number of up to 1.7 million. This figure accounts 2.3 of the total number of minor children in the United States. Additionally, it was also found out that almost half or 850, 000 of these children were only aged nine years old or less during the survey whereas more than a third will have to reach the legal age of 18 while their parents are incarcerated (p. 3). Figure 1 shows the tabularized data as shown in Appendix A. In the total number of parents, 65, 600 were mothers. Although relatively small compared to the 744, 200 fathers brought to prison, the increase in the number of the incarcerated mothers has aroused significant concern as the figures signifies that the number of mothers has more than doubled since 1991 for about 122 %. Furthermore, only almost 20% of the incarcerated parents have been married (Schirmer, Nellis, & Mauer, 2009, p. 4). This is given particular attention as this implies that the children of those who were not married or are separated, widowed or divorced have no other parent to look out for them or are left in the care of the grandparents, other relatives, foster homes, or others. In Appendix B, Table 1 shows the breakdown of the numbers for the year 2004. Effects of Parent Incarceration on Children There are not enough researches that examine the direct effects of parent incarceration to the children of those incarcerated (Dallaire, 2007, p. 1). Researchers have frequently focused on other issues but this. This is probably due to the ambiguity of the scope of the problem as suggested by Parke and Clarke-Stewart (2001). Hence, Parke and Clarke-Stewart opted to divide the effects of parent incarceration on children into short- and long-term ones. The long term effects, moreover, are identified stage of development. Reasons why children of a specific stage of development suffer so are also given. Since there is no parental authority around or only one of them is present, primary developmental needs of a child [if not including the physical needs] are essentially neglected. Short-term effects consist of the children’s responses during the arrest phase. As per report of Jose-Kampfner (as cited in Parke & Clarke-Stewart, 2001), the children who have witnessed their mothers or fathers being arrested suffer from signs of trauma such as the common nightmares, flashbacks, and bedwetting among others. The authors emphasized that these effects are thought to be worsened because of the limited information that are provided to the children by those who are left at home with them. As a result, these children are found to be more anxious and fearful as compared to those children who have got honest and factual information about their parent’s arrest (Johnson, as cited in Parke & Clarke-Stewart, 2001). The same authors pointed out that this denial may also prevent these children “to begin to make sense of the situation and begin the dual processes of grieving the loss of their parent and coping with their new life circumstances.” In a book, Silver and Coll (2000) have presented the different effects of parental incarceration to the different stages of a child’s life. These effects are comparable to the ones suggested by Parke and Clarke-Stewart along with the others. Their discussion centered on the effects of the situation on infancy, early and middle childhood, early adolescence, and late adolescence (Silver & Coll, 2000, pp. 318-320). The authors noted that the separation between the children and their parents due to incarceration can severely affect the “formation of attachment bonds and the development of trust” during the early years of life (p. 319). The ability to develop the sense of autonomy and initiative are told to be affected in the early childhood as well. By this time, children must be supported to prevent the long-term effects of trauma which can exist even after the crisis has been resolved. As the children would grow and become socially involved as they start to go to school, parental incarceration and separation can lead to the lack of guidance in increasing socially-appropriate behaviors. The social stigma of being a child of an incarcerated parent is also a risk factor to the development of social withdrawal and isolation. During early and late adolescence, parental absence secondary to incarceration can also cause the development of his or her anti-social behaviors as there is indeed a big difference in the behaviors of those children who have or have no parental guidance. The shift towards unruly behaviors are said to be a result of the need “to satisfy their need of risk taking, to reduce anxiety, and to gain peer acceptance” (Silver & Coll, 2000, p. 319). These adolescents are most likely to fail in building lasting and trusting relationships with others; and maladaptive coping strategies such as drug and alcohol abuse, delinquency, poor school performance and other forms of acting out may be observed. These effects can further lead to “adult crime and incarceration, continuing or beginning the inter-generational cycle of crime, drug abuse, and incarceration” in the family (Silver & Coll, 2000, p. 320). Effects of Mothers’ Incarceration on Children Although the effects of parental incarceration are almost the uniform regardless of whether it is the mother or the father is being put behind bars, studies support that the incarceration of mothers can have a major impact on the care and development of the child than of the fathers’ as the mothers are traditionally “the ones who provide the unconditional love that babies need to develop strong relationships with others in the future” (Morton & Williams, 1998, p. 98). This is why children tend to develop a certain special bond with their mothers than with their fathers. As the separation between them can be painful to the mothers, there is a greater chance that more of a child’s wide array needs will be neglected once his or her mother becomes incarcerated. In a study conducted by Morton and Williams (1998), it is found that the children who are separated from their mothers display a more intensified level of distress, misery and apathy. The same authors even advocated that a “much more serious effect of maternal deprivation is developmental retardation and general impairment of developmental progress” (p. 98). These assumptions are seconded by the studies of Fritsch and Burkhead (1981), Gabel and Shindledecker (1993), and the Tennessee Department of Corrections and Research Section (1995). According to their findings, children with incarcerated mothers become more at risk of “school failure, and aggressive and delinquent outcomes” (as cited by Dallaire, 2007). This may be due to the fact that the care of those children with incarcerated mothers are more likely to be transferred to the nearest family kin or friend or under state custody in case the other parent is absent. Despite the indirect impact, this arrangement does not pose much as an advantage both for the caregivers and the child. Dallaire (2007) pointed out that alternative familial caregivers such as the grandparents, more often than not, become stressed of the responsibility of taking care of the children of their incarcerated family members. As this would happen, the child’s caregivers will become less accepting of him or her. Hence, “the quality of parenting may be diminished” (Dallaire, 2007); and their needs will further be neglected. Poehlmann (as cited in Dallaire, 2007) said that these children then will become more prone to having an insecure attachment which will then lead to “greater psychopathology and substance abuse.” Despite these evidences, many of the children are not given support as they are not considered victims. Sarri (n.d.) even indicated that “neither the justice or child welfare systems respond to their situation unless a serious crisis arises” (p. 15). Worse, she also added that “many departments of corrections staff do not accept that they have responsibility for facilitating the maintenance of parental responsibilities by their incarcerated parents” (p. 18). Factors Affecting the Extent of the Effects of Mother Incarceration Earlier in the paper, the frequency of contact, the child’s living arrangement after the parent has been incarcerated, and the marital status of the parent are said to be major features that affect the extent of the effects of mother incarceration. Frequency of Contact. In the Encyclopedia of Applied Developmental Science, Naudeau supposed that it is majorly important that the children get to visit their mothers in the jail and have the chance to interact with each other (p. 579). According to a study conducted by Hairston (1991) and Schaefer (1991) (as cited in Reed & Reed, 1997), allowing frequent contact between the incarcerated parent and their children encourages maintenance of close family ties despite the absence of the parent. They also stressed that this decreases “recidivism rates, improved mental health of inmates and other family members, increased likelihood of family reunification following release, and greater potential for parole success” (as cited in Reed & Reed, 1997). Child’s Living Arrangement and Parent’s Marital Status. The living arrangement issue has been basically tackled in the previous part of the paper. This and the marital status of the parents are connected in one way or another. To put emphasis, however, it must be noted that the child’s living arrangement after his or her mother’s incarceration helps dictate how he or she would be able to cope with the stresses caused by the event. Children who are sent to several placement venues [such as transfers from one relative to another if the other parent would take no responsibility of his or her care, or the changes in foster care] have been found to suffer from intensified negative outcomes than those who have a more stable living placement (Nadeau, 2005, p. 580). Policies on Child Welfare after Parental Incarceration Most of the children and their needs are basically overlooked upon the incarceration of their parents, especially in the case of their mothers who serve as their primary caregivers. In response, the government through both the state and federal agencies and even non-government organizations has created programs and policies to assist in the care of the welfare of these mothers and their children. The organization called the Child Welfare League of America or the CWLA, services by the Chicago Legal Aid to Incarcerated Mothers or CLAIM, the program Girls Scout Beyond Bars (GSBB), and Project SEEK (or Project Services to Enable and Empower Kids) are only a few of the programs and services provided for the identified population (Ascione & Dixson, 2002, pp. 281-291). The book Women at the Margins: Neglect, Punishment, and Resistance describes the Child Welfare League of America (CWLA) as an agency that manages the identification of children who have incarcerated parents via its member child welfare agencies, provides training on dealing with these stuffs; and Child Legal Aid to Incarcerated Mother (CLAIM) that “provides educational programs to women prisoners in Cook County as well as support groups for women and their families” (Ascione & Dixson, 2002, p. 281). Ascione and Disxon (2002), moreover, identified that the Girl Scouts Behind Bars, in addition, is a program that accommodates incarcerated mothers who are at their last 12 months of sentence and have children aged between seven and seventeen; while Project SEEK was created to provide social support via home visits, referrals and support groups aside from providing structured contact with mothers (pp. 284-287). The Project SEEK, however, “is no longer in operation” (“Project SEEK,” n.d.). Appendix B shows a table about some other programs and services for the children of incarcerated mothers located in certain states around the country. Conclusion The major impact that the presence and availability of both the father and the mother provides in child development has long been valued. Yet, although it is true that each parent plays a significant role in the care of their children, it is nevertheless undeniable that the child’s separation from the mother most likely will result to more severe negative effects as they are most likely the ones who care for the children at home (Hatfield, 2008, p. 23). As suggested by Hatfield (2008), each time together constitutes a substantial portion in providing the basic needs of a child which include physical, financial, social, emotional, intellectual, and psychological ones (p. 23). Hence, despite the fact that the absence is not intentional, the incarceration of the mother leads to the effects that are a result of neglected child needs. References Ascione, W. C., & Dixson, J. (2002). Children and their incarcerated mothers. In J. Figueira- McDonough & R. C. Sarri (Eds.), Women at the margins: neglect, punishment, and resistance (pp. 281-291). Binghamton, NY: The Haworth Press, Inc. Dallaire, D. H. (2007). Incarcerated mothers and fathers: a comparison risks for children and families. Family Relations, 56 (5), 440+. Glaze, L., & Maruschak, L. M. (2008, August). Parents in prison and their minor children. Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report. Retrieved from http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/pptmc.pdf Hatfield, N. T. (2008). Broadribb’s introductory pediatric nursing (7th Ed.). Philadelphia, PA: Wolters Kluwer Health and Lippincott Williams & Wilkins. Morton, J. B., & Williams, D. M. (1998, December). Mother/child bonding: incarcerated women struggle maintain meaningful relationships with their children. Corrections Today, 60 (7), 98+. Naudeau, S. (2005) Incarcerated mothers, children of. In C. B. Fisher, & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Encyclopedia of applied developmental science (Vol. 1, pp. 579-581). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Parke, R. D., & Clarke-Stewart, K. A. (2001, December). Effects of parental incarceration on young children. From Prison to Home: The Effect of Incarceration and Reentry on Children, Families, and Communities. Retrieved from http://aspe.hhs.gov/hsp/prison2home02/parke-stewart.htm#The Project SEEK (services to enable and empower kids). (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.fcnetwork.org/reading/mott.html Reed, D. F., & Reed, E. L. (1997). Children of incarcerated parents. Social Justice, 24 (3), 152 +. Sarri, R. (n.d.). Children of incarcerated mothers. Michigan family impact seminars. Retrieved from http://www.familyimpactseminars.org/s_mifis05c04.pdf Schirmer, S., Nellis, A., & Mauer, M. (2009, February). Incarcerated parents and their children: trends 1991-2007. Retrieved from http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/ publications/inc_incarceratedparents.pdf Seymour, C. (2001). Notes. In C. Seymour, & C. F. Hairston (Eds.), Children with parents in prison: child welfare, policy, program, & practice issues. USA: Child Welfare League of America, Inc. Silver, R. B., & Coll, C. G. (2000). Incarcerated parents: children of incarcerated parents. In L. Batler (Ed.), Parenthood in America: an encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc. Survey of inmates in federal correctional facilities (SIFCF). (n.d.). Retrieved from http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/index.cfm?ty=dcdetail&iid=273 World Health Organization. (2002). Child abuse and neglect. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/world_report/ factsheets/en/childabusefacts.pdf Appendix A: Figures Figure 1. Estimated number of parents in state and federal prisons and their minor children (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008, p. 1). Appendix B: Tables Table 1. Current caregiver of minor children of parents in state prison, by gender, 2004 Children’s Current caregiver Total Male Female Other parent 85.2% 88.4% 37.0% Grandparent 15.1% 12.5% 44.9% Grandmother 14.0 11.6 42.1 Grandfather 4.3 3.6 12.0 Other relatives 6.2% 4.7% 22.8% Foster home or agency 2.9% 2.2% 10.9% Friends, others 2.9% 2.4% 7.8% Table 1. Current caregiver of minor children of parents in state prison (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008, p. 5). Table 2. Programs and Services for Children of Incarcerated Mothers Name of Program Location Services Parenting from a Distance Children’s Visitation Program Minnesota Correctional Facility-Shakopee Sons and Daughters of the Incarcerated (SADOI, Inc.) Legal Services for Prisoners with Children Bedford Hills Correctional Facility, NY Huron Valley Correctional Facility, Ypsilanti, Michigan Shakopee Correctional Facility, Minnesota Ann Arbor, Michigan San Francisco, California Support group for women in prison, run by inmates Special contact visits between mother and child Parenting programs for inmates Overnight visits for children of inmates Teen support groups Camp Special program for adolescents Group Therapy Individual Therapy Case management/referrals Community outreach/training Legal advocacy for women prisoners and their children Table 2. Programs and Services for Children of Incarcerated Mothers (Ascione & Dixson, 2002, p. 282) Read More
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