Ponds Skin Lightening Products - Essay Example

Ponds Skin Lightening Products History Pond’s started in 1846 as a medicine company when Theron Pond [1800-1852], a New York pharmacist, began selling ‘Golden Treasure’, or homeopathic remedy he had created from witch hazel. Theron Pond, Edmund Munson, and Alexander Hart formed the T. T. Pond Company in 1849, to produce and sell the ‘Golden Treasure’ which was given another name - Pond’s Extract. After the Civil War in America [1861-1865] toiletries and soap were added to the company’s product list (Pitche, Kombate and Tchangai-Walla, 2005, p. 4). Changes of proprietorship, Theron Pond’s death, and legal wrangles over who owned the industrial rights to the extract, generated difficulties for the early Pond’s, however, by the 1880s everything had settled down and Pond’s Extract Company flourished. Introduction Peterson and Tuma suggested that Pond skin lightening products industry met phantastic tempos of growth over the previous two decades within the global beauty industry (2006, p.54 and 2010, p. 34). This growth was determined by not only people permanent desire to become white (light-skinned), but also by two factors of technological advancements and marketing forces of the contemporary world. White is right motto combined social and economic matters (as a desire for the higher status), but also presented user / consumer as a creature who was able to control his / her body, altering the nature according to the human wishes. From the other perspective, skin lightening practice forced users / consumers to accept mythologies of the global market; for instance, white is right pretended to be effective motto, as if it was proven that dark-skinned person was less beautiful than white, and as if dark-skinned person was less right than white person only because of the colorism of her / his skin. According to Thomas, white skin desire phenomenon could be regarded globally; however, its importance in African, Asian, Middle-Eastern, and South American contexts (as non-white cultures) would have been even greater than it used to be in Europe or North America, because people there strongly believed that their skin colorism was connected with such social and cultural categories as social status and self-esteem: supposedly, with a dark skin color it was harder to behave like highly respectful and successful person in the society (2008, p. 4). As it was stated by Levi, the ability of lightening skin to empower the women lies in delivering the power in controlling their skin tone and their bodies too, set them, females, free from the masculine control. In the contemporary societies, raising social status of the females forced them to fight for the high respectability both in the workplace and at home (Levi, 2006). Simultaneously, women in the contemporary societies are disempowered in the same time, still in a need to follow the external beauty standard control (Tseelon, 1995, p. 13). Being succumbed to the self-governance strategy, according to Goffman, women nowadays, in the same time, must follow an inevitable social custom in order to attain social acceptance for securing their social and economic status, as well as accrue social capital in society (1971, p. 77). The pigment, which yields skin color, “Melanin”, is skin protector against the harmful Ultra violet ray’s effects from the sun (Thomas, 2008, p. 6). But to achieve the professed benefits such as beauty and success in life, skin lightening products are used in many areas around the world. Though in dermatology practice, the de-pigmenting agents are used with colossal success for hyperpigmentation and melasma, but studies have been trying to prove that when these products are used on generalized areas in the body for longer time, the practice appears with range of adversative effects (Thomas, 2008, p. 6). Production Being reflected in both global and underground economies, skin lightening was modified by the transnational flows of culture and capital in a multi-dollar industry (Thomas, 2008, p. 9). Pond is produced and marketed by a multinational corporation, Unilever, which have flown on the fashion and are spending huge sums of money in development and research of both mass and specialized skin-lightening markets. Advertisements create a pond skin-lighteners need by portraying dark skinned women as ignored by men, unhappy and suffer low self-esteem in the society. Dark skin is portrayed as a disease or burden that can be treated with the use of Pond skin-lightening products. On the other hand, light skin is portrayed as a necessity to be youthful, beautiful, affluent, and modern. As this product grows and more users/consumers are affected by its related consequences, ethical questions proliferate. Studies report the substandard products dumping in the global south and Africa (Storey, 1999, p. 23). Often, these products are not passed for human consumption in their origin country. Scholars, who appear to dismiss their usage as an exclusively black problem, are critical to the western medical community for failing to in the production and usage of these kinds of skin-lightening chemicals. Unlike many cosmetics, pond skin lightening products commonly insist that their products do not contain hydroquinone, mucurials, corticosteroids, and other caustic agents (salicylic acid, hypochlorite sodium, detergents etc.) that are linked to a number of human health problems. A study conducted in South Africa found that 75% of consumers of these products showed cutaneous adversative effects, while many others have been conducted to approve the product (Tuma, 2010, p. 23). Hydroquinone, originally used as an industrial production chemical, is used due to its effectiveness in melanin production suppression. However, this product usage is dangerous as skin-lightening techniques, because exposure to sun after application causes skin damage. Long-term hydroquinone use may lead to a paradoxical augmented pigmentation of the skin referred to as exogenous ochronosis (Dyer, 1997, p. 13). Other chronic complications include skin elasticity loss and impaired wound healing. The use of corticosteroids is linked with ophthalmologic, cutaneous, and endocrinologic complications. These include atrophy of the skin, hypertension, diabetes mellitus, glaucoma, cataracts, allergic contact dermatitis, eczema, and bacterial, viral and fungal infections. Consumption By and large the prime, target of Pond skin lightening products is women (the women of color in Africa, Pacific Asia, and white and black women in Europe and North America), but the cosmetics industry is gradually targeting men (particularly, Asian men). Consumers become dependent on Pond skin-lighteners, due to increased re-pigmentation (Thomas, 2008, p. 11). This make them feel pressure to continue applying Pond skin-lightening creams over extensive periods in order to keep their newly acquired light skin tone. An attempt to discontinue using the product may also result to immediate flare-up of hideous rashes (Thomas, 2008, p. 12), further discouraging consumers to discontinue use. Due to the stigma covering the use of these skin-lightening products, consumers suffering from withdrawal signs are more likely to recover and continue using rather than seeking medical attention. Studies indicate that desire to lighten the skin color complexion is the key reason why individuals use these products. For instance, women in Mexico associate fair light skin tone with elegance, higher social status, and beauty (Gauntlett, 2008, p. 55). A study conducted in Nigeria found that many Nigerians have embraced Eurocentric beauty ethics and feel pressured to have a ‘white’ look (Gauntlett, 2008, p. 55). In this study, a 23 year old reported that she begun bleaching to be attractive and to look like Europeans and good-looking to people, especially men (Gauntlett, 2008, p. 56). Other reasons for using this skin-lighting product include a aspiration to even out the skin tone / improve the skin texture, treatment of skin imperfections, to attract male companions or satisfy ones partner, to remove the adverse extended skin bleaching effects, to satisfy or impress the peers, to enhance life opportunities (especially, job opportunities), for the light-colored skin enjoyment, to reduce the negative stereotypes experience that are directed to dark skinned people, fashion and dependency (Dyer, 1997, p. 26). In the Nigerian study, women expressed their conviction that Nigerian men prefer white, light-skinned girls (Dyer, 1997, p. 86). Consequently, skin-lightening was of paramount importance in attracting their male companions. Women in affiliations continued use the products, as they felt that soft skin was a way of satisfy their partners. In the study, one woman claimed that she used skin-lightening products to preclude her husband from being appealed to other girls. Thinking that light-skinned persons had higher status, income, job opportunities, and education, many partisipants paid attention to the Pond skin care due to a stereotype that darker skinned population were often tried to obtain the same privileges as whites. Thinking that light-skinned persons had higher status, income, job opportunities, and education, many participants paid attention to the Pond skin care due to a stereotype that darker skinned population were often tried to obtain the same priveleges as whites. Market From Mexico to City Mumbai, from Sao Paulo to Shanghai, and the vast African market skin whitening, in any application forms remains a significant economic trend. In fact, according to the Euromonitor (2010), as cited in Wallace, 2011, the global skin lightening products market is predicted to hit $10 billion by the end of 2015, driven by the new market development in western countries and sustained growth in Africa and Asia Pacific (Wallace, 2011, p. 36). As stated earlier, in these cultures fairer skin equates to beauty, success, and power. New product developments in Pond skin care are focused on delivering a more even skin tone and helping to prevent and reduce spots, while the main aim being de-coloration. In Venezuela and Brazil, skin lightening is seen much as a complementary added benefit to new products. Skin lightening products are mainly in nourishers / anti-agers with about 8% in Venezuela and 12% in Brazil of total cosmetics sales (Wallace, 2011, p. 36). Deodorants are also a main sort, but the mechanism remains very different. Other regions of the globe experience increasing Pond skin lightening demand as a result of other reasons. In Europe and North America, the use of Pond skin lightening actives is related to need for qualities such as “Brightness” and “Radiance”. Consumption of Pond skin lightening products and employment of skin lightening actives in other anti-aging products may see a strong rise in future as a significant population of the population are in Africa, Asian, African-Caribbean or Asian origin (Dyer, 1997, p. 112). Whatever the user skin type, dermal hyper-pigmentation remains part of extrinsic dermal aging mechanism owing to life-time sun damage exposure. In the Africa and Middle-East, various color complexion creams and skin lightening creams are very popular in but often use extremely hazardous ingredients aimed at bleaching the skin (Bennett 2005 p. 67). Increased health worries could lead African and Middle East consumers to turn to milder skin lightening solutions such as Pond. Currently, Asia makes up approximately 90% of the skin lightening market by value (Wallace, 2011, p. 37). In this region after the global economic recession, intensified competition within the professional market and the increased job insecurity imply that the skin lightening trend is unlikely to decline. With rising disposable earnings in emerging regions, the consumers have more cash to spend on these and other cosmetic products. In Asia in particular, pond skin lightening use can be found in wide variety of applications, not only limited to lotions or typical creams (Wallace, 2011, p. 42). Consumers in Japan, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Philippines, and China are using Pond lightening products in most of their beautification routines as hyper pigmentation (pimples dark spots) appears earlier on the Asian skin compared to wrinkles and skin firmness loss (Wallace, 2011, p. 42). It stands as not only a market slice, but functionality required as a compliment of other applications such as anti-aging formulas, moisturizers, masks, and toners. India, where lightening facial care noted a 13% growth in 2012, is the 3rd largest market for Pond skin lightening products behind Japan and China respectively. The facial moisturizers section dominated by lightening (84%) in India was predicted to grow at a compounded annual growth rate of 10.7% from 2009 to 2015 according to the Euromonitor (2011), as cited in Wallace, 2011. Fair skin is seen an important criterion in Hindu arranged marriages and is also entwined with Hinduism caste system complex and strict social hierarchy, where members of higher castes tend to possess fairer skin. “Whitening” and “fairness” (Menzies-Lyth, 1989, p. 37) (denotation fair skin, not equality) are among the most prominent marketing dues in skin care in Indian communities. In contrast to the Asian cross-application approach, about 90% of the Pond lightening formulations include facial moisturizers. Brands such as Pond have many options for formulators of delivering skin lightening systems that delight consumers, as well as encouraging repeat use. However, there also exist significant challenges of stabilizing the actives in these products and achieving the correct product aesthetics to reach the market sensory targets. Skin lightening is a small but rising functionality in the skin care products market. In Pond stronghold markets, people are regionally and historically from diverse ethnic backgrounds. Because of their genetics and extreme sun exposure, they are predisposed to an increased skin disorders incidence such as hyperpigmentation or melisma (Dyer, 1997, p. 41). The Pond skin lightening products applications in other regions such as the west and the white race are also broad in variety; however, they are normally limited to the face. As the main Pond applications include facial moisturizers, masks, and anti-ageing / nourishers formulations; body care formulas concentrating on knees and elbows as well as deodorant and antiperspirant formulations are also significantly popular in their respective markets. Social contexts a) Colonialism, westernization, and racism The racist fragments left in the beginning of colonization unequivocally contribute to the lighter skin tone preference. According to Berger, basic method of control during colonial period laid in a sphere of hierarchical stereotypes based on the savage assumption that native Africans, indigenous Americans, and Asians were inferior and primitive comparing to light-skinned western people (1993, p. 224). Racial hierarchy warranted unequal distribution of resources, exploitation, and domination (Bocock, 1976, p. 6). During the colonial period, the culture of colonized people and body images were created as pathological, ugly, and backward (Ross, 1995, p. 290). Corporeal blackness was linked with moral darkness, pollution, dirt, disease, and unrestrained sexuality. Some scholars contend that pre-colonial female beauty conceptions favored lighter skin tones. If the racial preferences existed earlier, they were exaggerated by colonial racial orders attaching privilege to lighter skins. During colonialism, the leading scientific gaze entrenched in western philosophic thinking provided a way by which the colonized subject’s bodies could be studied. A racist knowledge based on contradictions was produced as acknowledged scientific evidence, thereby extenuating white supremacy (Storey, 1999, p. 187). The white body was characterized as most virtuous and visually most likable so that whiteness turned out to be the standard, the paradigm, while blackness became the opposite: deviant, corrupt, and unappealing. Racial hierarchies persisted after colonial rule, as racially stratified power and status distribution did. Western influence, such as the global media, flooded a susceptible African expanse during the post-colonial era thereby perpetuating these principles (Storey, 1999, p. 195). Media images would depict lighter skinned as preferable and beautiful over darker skinned. Even media, such as flyers / billboards, originating in Africa depicted white-skinned people as beauty icons (Thomas, 2008, p. 69). Until recently, the beauty and cosmetic industry produced light-skinned people cosmetics alone, thereby reinforcing the link between light skin, affluence, and beauty. According to OShea, success of skin-lightening cosmetics is evident in regions where modernization and the western culture influence and capitalism made a fast breakthrough (1996, p. 27). As Wallace stated, 2008 year study revealed that modern society preserved some colonial / hierarchical stereotypes; for example, darker-skinned people were less intelligent, attractive, and trustworthy than whites (2011, p. 81). Scholars propose that the skin-lightening phenomenon demonstrates a western-dominated global system which promotes “white is right” (Tuma, 2010, p. 5) ideology as well as encourages the western culture and products consumption. In regards to historical constructions of race stimulating racism, superiority, and inferiority, as well as contemporary emphasis on the western supremacy (Lunt, and Livingstone, 1992, p. 39), skin-lightening emerges as an attempt of gaining respectability, social mobility, and material privilege. b) Gender perspective It is essential to consider skin-lightening from a gender perspective, because the associations between skin color and moral judgments and aesthetic affect women most intensely. Women are judged heavily on their appearance than men in the same society. As mentioned, skin color can be seen as a kind of symbolic capital that disturbs a person’s opportunities in life (Bordo, 1990, p. 282). If women are held on higher beauty standards, then the skin color as determining life chances impacts those most. Men are, more than women, likely to be considered appreciated when they are rich, educated, and other human capital forms, while women are considered appreciated when they stand physically attractive, even when they lack other human capitals (Butler, 1990, p. 67). Complexion ideals are related to the dominant attitudes towards respective gender roles. The cultural meanings connected with darkness and lightness are considered more preferably masculine and feminine, respectively. These highlight an important link between aesthetic and moral judgments, for the associations with darkness and lightness have moral connotations. For instance, McRobbie (1994) illustrates how lightness or whiteness are associated with youth, delicacy, purity, virginity, spirituality, vulnerability, and innocence, while darkness is associated with danger, aggression, virility, villainy, and threat. Women are often held on higher standards of lightness, as compared to men, because the lightness meaning coincides with apposite feminine gender roles in the society. Women are expected to fulfill certain standards regarding their virginity, purity, and innocence. While women are applauded for exemplifying these behavioral or standards qualities, they are also “compensated for exemplifying the beautiful characteristics that symbolizes them” (Butler, 1990, p. 30). An ideally beautiful woman is supposed to have idyllically feminine virtues, and the idyllically virtuous woman is deliberated to be idyllically beautiful. Alternatively, stereotypes about black women link their blackness with active and potent sexuality (Butler, 1990, p. 32). Advertising skin-lightening products does not represent the reality as it is, but it represents how it should be. Consequently, advertising is a good place to observe dominant physical look ideals. Advertisements also portray the connections between colored and white complexion ideals, gender roles conceptions as well as aesthetic and moral standards (Gill, 2007, p. 334). Classism and Racism: White is Right As for Wolf, differences in color of skin are not only seen as denoting physical variances between and among people, but also mark cultural and social distinctions in terms of historical and racial background (1998, p. 28). Classism and racism both are presented in the global society, but coded in terms of skin colors differences. Therefore, according to Lasch (1991, p. 118), such phenomenon spread all over non-white cultures, and dual standards of these white / dark differences could be evident even within the inter-ethnic relations. In the local communities, according to Walker, people with light skins and Caucasian looking characteristics enjoyed better level of respectability (1983). Many researchers, for example, Freud, noted that white males occupied top positions in the social hierarchy, whereas non-white females, especially black females remained poorly treated (1914, p. 84). Racism / classism / colonialism paradigm forced people from the non-white cultures and communities to bleach themselves in order to at least had a chance to be on the top of the ladder. Futhermore, from the colonialism perspective, ideology of eurocentrism dominated worldwide after the rise of western colonialism in the 18th century and the mass media and consumer goods spread in the 20th century (Foucault, 1978, p. 115). As for Coward, general system of mass exploitation used race as an overall sign for slavery / masterhood, which stratification was widely spread in the non-Western cultures (1984, p. 309). Thus, White stated that color of skin indicated --- in cinema industry and mass media --- classism, morality, education, etcetera; this tendency was supported then by marketers, who depicted distinctions between ethnic and racial groups with a link to the skin colorism (White, 2004). For example, in Japan: Dark skinned populations … are seen as lower class (mainly, farmers) as they work under direct sun while light skinned populations remain more likely to be sheltered indoors rather than being outside working (Welsing, 1991, p. 78). Conclusion This paper has revealed that Pond skin lightening product use is an emerging scientific and practice innovation with profound social, ethical, pedagogical, economic, legal, and health implications. The many options for Pond formulators to deliver skin lightening systems that delight their targeted consumers globally and encourage repeat usage also bring significant chal­lenges to stabilize the actives and achieve the right product aesthet­ics for attaining market sensory and satisfaction target, not to forget the social impact (Gauntlett, 2008, p. 80). Skin lightening practice has been demonstrated as a site of scientific invention and proprietary knowledge production that have the power to discursively, economically, and symbolically facilitate new ways of hierarchically delimited use of Pond products, and science research on the said product. It has also shown that skin lightening advertisements and promotions have the ability to blur the regulatory limits between racial dignity and economic freedom for skin lightening products, which in turn have health, legal, and social implications (Aaker, 1999, p. 45). Bibliography Aaker, D. A. (1999). Building Strong Brands. 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