What key changes have occurred in Higher Education in UK in the past twenty years - Essay Example

? What key changes have occurred in Higher Education in UK in the past twenty years? Introduction Higher education in UK has undergone a profound and fast change in the past twenty years. In the last twenty years, UK government’s policy has been proactive as manifested in education spheres of quality control, access, and finance. In addition, radical changes have been witnessed as evidenced by expansion in the number of universities, the elimination of formal categories of institutions, and the expansion of larger, comprehensive institutions. The number of universities increased from 48 in 1984 to 106 (by 2007). Similarly, there has been the provision of education along market or “quasi-market” lines. However, the state still remains the principal funder and regulator of higher education. Changes in Higher Education in UK in the past twenty years In 1992, UK government enacted Further and Higher Education Act, which heralded dramatic change within higher education in UK. Since 1965, the British higher education had been organized on the “binary system.” The term infers the division between universities and other institutions such as polytechnics, technical colleges, and teachers’ training colleges (Watson 1989, p. 284). Nevertheless, in 1992, the binary system was abolished and the former Polytechnics were upgraded into universities. The expansion was also contributed by legislation in 2004 that allowed colleges without research degree awarding powers to obtain a university title (Vught 2009, p. 7). Higher education within UK has evolved spectacularly within the last twenty years. Most of the interrelated factors that have had a significant effect on the higher education landscape in UK include an upsurge in student numbers, a drop in staff/ student ratio, widening participation, and a transformation of the management style within the higher education. In the mid-1990s, the patterns as well as the ethos of British higher education were distinctly different from those in the 1970s (Greenway & Haynes 2003, p. 152). The structural changes within the UK higher education have come amid government demands for enhanced management efficiency. As a result, issues such as autonomy and freedom as well as accountability and appraisal have sprouted up. Similarly, the number of young people receiving higher education has dramatically changed over the years. As a matter of fact, the aggregate student numbers within UK have doubled over the last twenty years. For instance, in 1961only 5% of young people received higher education, compared to 34% in 1997. The government has as well declared a policy to raise it to 50%. For the last twenty years, the number of students pursuing higher education has more than doubled, whereas the unit of funding per student has been falling significantly. In addition, the staff-student ratio has been rising astronomically over the last twenty years. This has been contributed partly by massification policy of the UK government (Deem, Hillyard & Reed 2007, p.4). However, access to higher education in the UK has been skewed over the last twenty years. The participation in higher education has largely been the preserve of higher socio-economic groups within UK (Black 2005, p. 128). Access to higher education in UK is uneven; this can be expressed by the fact that most of the chances of attaining higher education are more open to young people in the upper tier of the economic class. Most of the young people, especially from the working class background, have not had an easy access to higher education in the UK. Moreover, research done in this area indicates that the gap in higher education participation between the richer and the poorer students has in reality broadened, especially in the mid and late 1990s. The expansion of higher education in UK has in effect increased education inequalities rather than reducing them. This is evidenced by statistics, which suggest that most of the participants in the higher education come from well-off backgrounds. This has materialized irrespective of the fact that poor students are better placed to proceed to higher education than they were in the past. The predisposition of poor students participating in higher education is relatively lower than it was prior to 1990s (Machin & Vignoles 2006, p.14). Policy initiatives directed at the sector have had deep impacts on participation or otherwise exclusion of some groups. One of the outstanding policy frameworks that had a significant bearing on UK higher education include the Dearing Report, which was published in 1997. The report made 93 recommendations to the government, most of which centred on funding, training and staff development, quality assurance arrangements. The recommendations also centred on the challenges and opportunities heralded by the new information and communication technologies, institutional management and governance (Barr & Crawford 2005, p.3). An interesting statistic in the UK higher education indicates that, whereas the student numbers have doubled, the public funding per student has halved. This translates to students from the working class missing out or having low participation in the higher education (Black 2005, p.129). The revitalization of funding increased participation in higher education in UK. Although the policy has been successful in terms of aggregate numbers, the gender mix has been altered as participation has increased (Fry, Ketteridge & Marshall 2009, p. 4). Initially, the ratio was one third/two thirds in favour of males. Nevertheless, the ratio now stands at 55:45% in favour of females. Striking a perfect balance between the genders in the provision of higher education has proved to be elusive. This has led to gender inequality within the UK higher education. The academic attainment and staying on rates also differ between the genders (Teixeira, Rosa & Vossensteijn 2008, p.111). However, the growth in higher education has been accommodative to diverse ethnic groups. UK higher education has also been integrative of diverse ethnic groups. The implications of Growth to UK society The robustness within the UK education system is hoped to contribute to the country’s international competitiveness. So far, higher education has been a significant contributor to foreign currency earnings from tuition fees. The expansion in higher education has been in tandem with an increase in supply of skilled labour. The envisaged economic contribution of universities to UK has been via applied research. In addition, the expansion of higher education in UK has relatively been instrumental in enhancing the chances of many young people regardless of the socioeconomic background (Machin & Vignoles 2006, p. 16). The growth of higher education can also be associated with the regeneration of the city centres within their location. The new centres have been the focal points of new cultural quarters. The growth in UK higher education has been in tandem with drawing a sizeable percentage of young people from the working class into the middle class. This has had a phenomenal impact on the societal status quo. Thus, the growth in higher education has tried to remedy class division on diverse fronts. Nevertheless, the widening of access and participation has disproportionately benefited young people from the middle class families compared to those from the working- class families (Reay 2006, p.291). Social and Cultural benefits Higher education plays a vital part in the inculcation of civic values and principles. The growth in higher education within UK has generated noneconomic spillovers. This can be demonstrated by the fact that graduates are more inclined to be active agents of national and international tolerance and social inclusion. Graduates are active citizens who participate in voluntary organizations. The active participation within voluntary organizations boosts community well being. The growth in higher education has also been associated with an increase in graduates’ participation, especially in the democratic processes. The active participation of graduates within the political processes has awakened UK spheres of governance (Greenway & Haynes 2003, P.158). There is also a concise link between higher education and egalitarian attitudes and parenting. As a result, the causal factors emanating from the effects of higher education ultimately yield social cohesion within the society. Beside the promotion of social cohesion, the growth has also heralded other knock-on effects such as direct economic benefits (Paterson & Lannelli 2007, p.340). The economic benefits flow from decreased public expenditure on criminal justice and social security. The reduced school drop-out rates translate to reduced crime rates within the society. Academics play a critical part in decision- making on health, crime, and the environment and all other fields of policy. The growth in higher education in UK has also been associated with enhanced social rates of return to higher education. The social rate return infers the discount rate that equates social costs to social benefits. The enhanced social rates of return exclude the spillovers to human and physical capital (Orsingher 2006, p. 23). The growth in higher education has contributed significantly to the growth of the UK economy. This arises from increased productivity within the workforce as well as wages increase. The advancement of discourses on skills, labour flexibility, competitiveness and entrepreneurship have undoubtedly transformed the society (Robertson 2010, p.5). The increase of wages translates to an increase in disposable income. The growth in national income accompanied by the rise in individual earnings has been a significant drive in transformation of UK society. Purpose and role in the future of UK society The growth in higher education in UK has had an enormous role in the future of UK, especially in propelling economic growth and prosperity. Higher education is critical to research productivity. Higher education must continue to be central at the world’s scientific publications. The future of knowledge economies hinges on generation of knowledge via research and development, rather than on knowledge-based goods (Brown 2004, p. 13). Over the last twenty years, the funding has reduced sizably. The decreasing funding in research projects in UK can spell doom for the society, especially its international competitiveness. Nevertheless, the growth in higher education will play a significant purpose and role within UK society. One of the significant roles that Universities will continue to play includes being a significant source of human capital requisite for knowledge production (Scott 2000, p. 176). The growth in higher education within UK will also place UK knowledge economy strategically globally, even though no country can place monopoly thereof. Conclusion Higher education is the principal source of knowledge in terms of production, dissemination, and absorption in any society. Universities play a critical role in the generation of fresh ideas as well as accumulation and transmission of knowledge. Universities also play a decisive function in the overall development of the society, either economically or socially. Although universities are no longer sole sources of requisite knowledge for development, their research and teaching aid in generation of expertise, structuring development, propelling social change, and safeguarding social values, and cultural ethos. This has been evident with the growth of higher education in UK. The growth in scope of higher education has had positive effects in the society. Nevertheless, the growth has been marked by increased growth in the participation of women compared to men, which initially led to decrease in gender inequalities and their subsequent reversal. There is a need to correct the gender gap in higher education in UK. References List Barr, N.A. & Crawford, L. (2005). Financing higher education: Answers from the UK, Oxon, Routledge. pp. 1-27. Black, P. (2005). Class matters in UK higher education, Women’s Studies International Forum 28 (3), pp. 127-138. Brown, R. (2004). Quality assurance in higher education since 1992, London, Routledge Falmer. pp. 9-30. Deem, R., Hillyard, S. & Reed, M. (2007). Knowledge, higher education, and the new managerialism: the changing management of UK universities, Oxford, Oxford University Press. pp. 1-10. Fry, H., Ketteridge, S. & Marshall, S. (2009). A handbook for teaching and learning in higher education: Enhancing academic practice, Oxon, Routledge. pp.4-6. Greenway, D. & Haynes, M. (2003). Funding higher education in the UK: The role of fees and loans, The Economic Journal 113, pp.150-166. Machin, S. & Vignoles, A. (2006). Education policy in the UK, London, Centre for the Economics of Education. pp.15-18. Orsingher, C. (2006). Assessing quality in European higher education institutions: Dissemination, methods and procedures, New York, Physica-Verlag Heidelberg. pp.23-50. Paterson, L. & Lannelli, C. (2007). Social class and educational attainment: A comparative study of England, Wales, and Scotland, Sociology of Education 80 (4), pp. 330-358. Reay, D. (2006). The zombie stalking English schools: Social class and educational inequality, British Journal of Educational Studies 54 (3), pp. 288-307. Robertson, S.L. (2010). Globalising UK higher education, Bristol, Centre for Learning and Life Chances in Knowledge Economies and Societies. pp. 13-20. Scott, P. (2000). Higher education, London, Falmer Press. pp. 174-182. Teixeira, N., Rosa, M. & Vossensteijn, J. (2008). Cost-sharing and accessibility inn higher education: A fairer deal? Dordrecht, Springer. pp. 105-113. Vught, V. (2009). Mapping the higher education landscape: towards a European classification of higher education, Dordrecht, Springer. pp. 7-12. 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