The Soviet influence was manifested by the publication of the Engel’s Naturdialectics in 1925 and during the Second International Congress of the History of Science and Technology in London in 1931. Needham had also close association with Leftist British Scientist who had a leaning towards the Soviet hence added influence. Again his choice of school at the biological laboratory of John Hopkins at Cambridge directed him more towards the Soviet. Nakayama says that the school was basically based on biochemical science which had not flourished and hence concentration shifted towards social science thus strengthening the cause for socialism (p 24).
Another fundamental issue that arose during Needham’s academic years was the division between materialism and vitalism. Nakayama writes that Needham did not take a definite side but opted for a section of each as he writes that “he was reluctant to give up the term ‘mechanism’ entirely” (p 24). He thus steered clear of opiate religion matters characteristic of materialism but restricted himself to comparative religion. In some ways, Needham argued against contemporary science and introduced new dimensions.
For instance he disagreed with Newton’s perception of the universe as timeless and viewed it as evolutionary. He says that “the inorganic, biological and social orders are connected to an evolutionary chain” (Nakayama, p 24). Needham argues that the support of biological evolution based on the evolution theory was also applicable to a society. He visualized a change in society over time that bioscience also argued would be experience in an organism. This was in support of the Marxism social change theory.
Unfortunately, Needham’s findings do not support the Darwinian idea survival for the fittest in the society which is very individualistic. He was in support of collectivism which he viewed as a higher level of organization that the one of survival for the fittest. As such, this would mark a capitalist society as a transition or rather an evolution stage, lower that collectivism or rather communism (Nakayama p 27, 28). Chinese history is marked by the stage of survival for the fittest through master slave relations.
As such, such a society would impede a scientific revolution that as ongoing during that early period. In Needham’s view it would seem that synthesizing the mechanistic and materialistic approach of the society would open up the way for scientific revolution. Nakayama views that in Needham’s approach to science, he failed to substantially appreciate the contribution of mathematics in science as opposed to organism and society only. With the exclusion of mathematics, Nakayama say that Chinese science would remain an “unorganized mass of fragmentary empirical knowledge lacking a nucleus.
” However, Sivin says science has various dimensions. On one hand, the scientific revolution is the period of “transformation of our knowledge to the external world” (p 100). But taking this various dimensions according to Sivin is inevitable in that science has various connections with other phenomena such as culture. For instance he says that the European scientific revolution ushered in a new chapter that emphasized on the truth and facts other than myth. This would in effect tend to address the issue of religion in the Chinese civilization where some mythical gods have been credited to be responsible for certain phenomena in the universe.
The European civilization however came to verify some of the claims by the Chinese civilization through the truth and facts. As a result, there had to be a change in affiliates and connections of science as facts and truth as opposed to myth set in. He identifies some changes that would set in as a result of factual science as “redefinition of what authority should determine what uses may be made of knowledge….what knowledge of nature is socially desirable and undesirable” (p 101). Another case that would hinder scientific revolution in China according imperialists is language.
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