Northern Ireland Violence - Essay Example

Northern Ireland Violence The month of August in the year 1969 turned out to be a defining moment in Northern Ireland history. On this day, the government of the day led by Harold Wilson resulted to send the military onto the Northern Ireland Streets, initially at Derry and later at Belfast (ODuffy 753). The government reiterated that the move was rather temporary and was sufficiently significant in restoring order because citizens had resulted in widespread riots in the streets. Large parts of Belfast and Derry had been cordoned off, and pogroms had begun to grow, prompting the belief that the then government of the day allied to the Unionists factions had given up control. The military troops would eventually be withdrawn after restoration of law and order. Nevertheless, questions and endless debates continue to be fronted on what led to the outburst in August 1969. Could the political eruption and civil unrest in Northern Ireland be avoidable? There are numerous reasons that could have led to the eruption of the riots. Northern Ireland Partition Partitioning the Irish nationalists from Ulster Unionists was the most favorable way of bringing together two warring groups. The Irish populace was sharply divided before the partitions were done. The British government having noticed the divisions chose to do the right thing. The majority of the Ulster Protestants and Unionists would be left to exercise their liberties and form their parliament while the minority Irish Catholics remained under the larger British protectorate. Carrying out the partitions was the right thing to do, however, when the British government decided to empower Northern Ireland, trouble started brewing. Giving power to the Majority Protestants and unionists in Northern Ireland would be the genesis of many problems. In the year 1921, the first general election would take place in Northern Ireland. As expected, the unionists garnered forty parliamentary seats in contrast to just twelve of the opposing nationalists. Consequently, the majority in parliament, the unionists would employ the legislative powers vested within them to disintegrate Northern Ireland even further. It was not surprising that the regular, continuous complaints by the minority Catholics who opposed to the unionists regime in Northern Ireland (Stallard 318). The Political Violence of 1968-1969 According to Sullivan (84), the political violence emerged because of lack of significantly effective leadership on both sides. Prior to the violence, Northern Ireland had stayed in peace for decades, partly because the majority Protestant and unionists who were dictatorial to some extent ruled it. By mid-1960s, a significant number of individuals from both groups wanted to promote modernization in Northern Ireland, improve its financial capacity and strengthen its internal relationships. While trying to transform the country from a hugely dictatorial majority to a true liberalized democratic nation, they underestimated the political hurdles and social, economic obstacles that were invincible to them, but stood in their way. Nationalists Complaints against Northern Ireland Regime There were numerous complaints against the unionists Northern Ireland regime. Most of the complaints came from the minority Catholics who complained about discrimination in most areas of service delivery. Because of their large numbers, all the power was concentrated with the Ulster Unionists. The Ulster government was accused of favoring its followers especially in key areas of education and law and order. The Ulster Unionists governed Northern Ireland, and the nation became a Protestant country for majority Protestant followers (Walker 612). The Catholics civil rights were reportedly violated. Law and Order Discrimination The minority Catholics complained vehemently about discrimination in the administering of law and order. The Unionists police were accused of affecting laws discriminately to the minority Catholics. Northern Ireland law enforcers were subject to hardliners government officials. The government officials strongly believed the law should be applied forcefully and rapidly against nationalists lawbreakers. Carefulness and diplomacy against unionists lawbreakers during its application is vital. Additionally, laws are regulations to be enforced by police units formed under the Constitution that were predominantly occupied by Protestant individuals (ODuffy 765). The law gave a provision of approximately thirty percent of the police officers would be recruited from the minority Catholic group. However, Catholics only comprised of approximately seventeen percent of the whole force. Government Discrimination Even though the overall Northern Ireland Parliament represented the interests of the whole country, minor governmental departments and institutions were primarily intended to serve the Protestant interests. Protestants mostly occupied the higher echelons of the civil service. This occupation was in response to complaints by orange pressure organizations that complained of high numbers of Catholics in the civil service. The unionists controlled all but two councils of the Northern Ireland local government. This means that the benefits were disproportionately allocated to services especially in the provision of housing and other basic services. The discrimination extended even to the areas where Catholics were the majority groups in the local government. The government also offered educational services discriminately. The larger Protestant group was privileged and favored by the education system whose structures intended on making state schools more pro protestant. Northern Ireland government operated two distinct education systems. The clientele favored one system, and the other system was open to both religious factions. Protestants predominantly attended schools that were controlled by the local authorities while the other voluntary schools were getting their funding from the public, and the difference was covered by the parents. The clear disparity between the two systems is that for the schools that were under the local government authorities control, al the operational costs were covered with the government (White 575). Protestants exclusively attended these schools. The arrangement as stated above was not equitable from all angles. The option to join the government-controlled schools was not so open considering that Bible teachings were to be offered in schools as part of their curricular, and this is where the biggest disparity came into play. The Bible teachings offered in these schools was based on the fundamentals of protectionism, who taught private judgment as a way of interpreting the sacred scriptures. The Catholics had separate teaching about their denomination, referring to the Bible as one of the many sources of their faith. Lack of Governmental Supervision The Irish and the British governments had a moral duty of keeping a constant eye on the operations of Northern Ireland (Stallard 317). Britain lacked the political good will of assisting Northern Ireland stabilize after secession. Their interests were hinged on ensuring that the internal operations of Northern Ireland in no way affected their withdrawal from Ireland by sabotaging political agreements with Republicans from Ireland. Irish Republicans were equally disinterested in the operations of the Northern Ireland Government. Therefore, the 1921-1923 settlements never recognized the challenges of civil contentment and good governance. Some of the hurdles that existed included the sickly economy and shallow political practices. Lack of Significant Opposition in Northern Ireland The Protestant state continued to dominate and rule, thanks to a weak opposition that lacked the political will to fight for the common good of its people. Northern Ireland unionists politicians were unwilling to stage any confrontation with the dictatorial regime. Political parties such as the Northern Ireland Labor Party were weak, disintegrated, and compromised. The Catholic Church also shied away from actively participating in the struggle for equal rights for the public. There were further divisions among the minority Catholics between the Nationalists and the Republicans. Even among the politicians, there existed feeble alliances between local legislators, a fact that helped strengthen the oppressive government even more. Additionally, Catholic minorities and the nationalists behaved in a manner that told of theirs disinterests in the development of the Northern Ireland nation. Right from the beginning, they had difficulty taking their seats in the parliament, and even when they became the largest opposition in the mid twenties years, they did not take up their role as a government watchdog (as the official opposition party). The minority legislators had even advocated the return to nonparticipation policies that had existed shortly before. The stubbornness and the total refusal to take up their role as the official opposition rebounded on the small Catholic minority group. Lack of participation fostered the majority Protestants to engage the minority Catholics with hostility. Conclusion The violence that erupted in August was as a result of a lengthy process of discrimination against the minority nationalists and Catholics. The discrimination was evidenced in major societal structures, such as in the education system, and she administering of common services such as local government administration. Was the violence inevitable? At that point, there was no way of avoiding the clashes because deep within, there laid certain fundamental injustices that had built up over time. In essence, the leaders lost control of the situation by reverting to old ways of handling sensitive public matter. The culmination of violence was almost inevitable, as the countries disgraceful past and Ulsters individuals historical injustices on the minority caught up with them. Any Northern Ireland citizen, even the non-radical civil rights leader, did not desire the result. The outcome was not foreseen by anyone, not even the British government. The British government was thus compelled to send the military to help restore order and assist the country come out of the jaws of a religious civil war. Works Cited ODuffy, B. (1995). Violence in Northern Ireland 1969-1994: Sectarian or ethno-national?. Ethnic And Racial Studies, 18(4), 740-772. doi:10.1080/01419870.1995.9993889 Stallard, W. (2014). The British State and the Northern Ireland Crisis, 1969-1973: From Violence to Power Sharing by William Beattie Smith. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2011. 437pp., £16.50, ISBN 9781601270672 Governing Ireland: From Cabinet Governm. Political Studies Review, 12(2), 317-318. doi:10.1111/1478-9302.12053_110 Sullivan, S. (1998). From theory to practice: The patterns of violence in northern Ireland 1969–1994. Irish Political Studies, 13(1), 76-99. doi:10.1080/07907189808406584 Walker, C. (1988). Political Violence and Democracy in Northern Ireland. The Modern Law Review, 51(5), 605-622. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2230.1988.tb01775.x White, R. (1993). On Measuring Political Violence: Northern Ireland, 1969 to 1980. American Sociological Review, 58(4), 575. doi:10.2307/2096077 Read More