Civil Society and Religious Figures in Saudi Arabia - Report Example

MPhil to PhD Transfer Report: Civil Society and Religious Figures in Saudi Arabia By Introduction Background: Context of the Research Conflict and tensions between the Middle East and Western powers, especially the US have become commonplace and are rooted in political and cultural/religious differences. Tensions and conflicts are highlighted by opposing interests, values and needs which have resulted in the ‘politicization of identities and an escalatory conflict dynamics’ in which one side stubbornly resists the ‘beliefs and mores of the other’ regarding the other as a threat and a problem (Funk and Said, 2004, p. 1). Scholars have argued that imperialism during colonization was particularly significant for countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As a result, decolonization gave way to a persistent resistance to Westernization which is suffused in growing nationalism ‘social mobilisation’ and ‘political organization’ which quite often heightened tensions between super powers during the Cold War (Suri, 2006, p. 354). This is because competition for empire building through alliances with MENA were clouded by post-colonial resistance to empires. This resistance to empire is deeply rooted in resentments developed during colonial dominance, resulting nationalism in the post-colonial era which cumulatively gave way to resistance countered by persistent interference by the West and especially the US within the Middle East and promulgations of nationalism were complicated by the Gulf War which brought an international community into a Middle East conflict (Alkadry, 2004). Rather than weaken resolve against Western interference, the Gulf War only served to heighten this resolve (Sultan, 1993). At the heart of the Arab world and the Middle East in general is a climate of persistent social and political mobilisation representing resistance to Western influence, modernisation and efforts to impose reform on the region. This resistance is said to be nothing more than a continued manifestation of the struggles brought on by colonization through decolonization awakening. The most recent manifestation is the Arab Spring which is described as continued disenchantment with Westernisation and its influences which transferred destructive capitalization and unsatisfactory governance to the region (Shihade, et al., 2012). Rationale for the Research The era of colonial dominance, the end of the cold war and the Gulf war have played a major role in shaping the political and socio-cultural context both directly and indirectly in the Arab and Muslim world, especially in MENA. Despite the failure of nationalist regimes, the rise of new developmental ideologies has successfully taken root in these societies. Concepts such as democracy, liberalization, secularization and civil society were the main metaphors that were associated with this era and were deliberated on in Arab and Muslim societies. However, these concepts, as they are understood in the Western context, were not equally accepted or adopted by the various MENA nations, due to their differences in tribal affiliations, culture and civilization, religious constraints and divergent political and social systems. The movement was seen as an attempt to transplant Western thoughts into non-Western civilizations, therefore it was condemned as intrusive. The focus of this research is civil society in Saudi Arabia and the influence of religious leaders. Saudi Arabia is an important area of study on Middle Eastern civil society because of its oil wealth, religious influence and its somewhat tenuous relationships with Western powers. With significant influence based on wealth and religious strength, Saudi Arabia has an important influence on neighbouring Middle Eastern states. In addition, Saudi Arabia escaped the social and political uprising associated with the Arab Spring despite the fact that it also shares the same internal and external tensions as Arab Spring countries such as Egypt. Saudi Arabia is also an enigma because despite its strong influence in the region it was unable to stop Iran’s influence in Iraq in the Post-Saddam era, could not prevent the rise to power in Lebanon of Hezbollah and could not settle disputes between Palestine and Hamas (Gauze, 2011). At the same time, Western powers such as the US recognize the important role that Saudi Arabia plays in the Middle East and seeks to cultivate relationships with Saudi Arabia as a gateway to Middle Eastern reform (Gauze, 2011). The main problem however, is the extent to which Saudi Arabia’s civil society influences Saudi Arabia’s governance and its relationships within the region and with external Western powers. Much of the research discovered in the literature focuses on state perspectives and often discounts or ignores the mediating role of civil society, especially in the Middle East. In the context of the debate on whether there is a civil society in the Arab world or not, some researchers emphasized that the concept of civil society in the West has no place in the Third World societies and Arab communities, or at least it cannot be applied literally to the reality of these communities. It is seen as the legacy of Western capitalist civilization. In spite of this, these researchers did not provide an alternative vision of the concept of civil society in the Western sense (Lewis, 2001). All that has been confirmed is the talk of civil society in the Arab world through an approximation of some of its aspects (Yom, 2005). From the perspective of Western scholars, civil society does not exist and in Saudi Arabia, rigid religious beliefs and a long, strong and unwavering monarchy is resistant to civil society (Montagu, 2010). As a result, civil society in the Arab Middle East and in Saudi Arabia has been largely ignored by scholars (Montagu, 2010, p. 67). From the perspective of the Arab Middle East, the concept of civil society must be understood by reference to the political, social and cultural conditions and influences in the region rather than from the Western capitalist perspective (Zayani, 2012). Thus the reality is, a non-Western concept of civil society exist in the Middle East, and despite its existence, there is a gap in the literature indicative of a need for further research with a view to understanding how best to treat and interpret internal and intra-state conflicts in the Arab Middle east and between the Arab Middle East and Western powers. Civil society, in essence, can be characterized by tension between the viewpoint of individual content to provide basic rights of the individual and the social dimension of the community to reflect the need to respect the requirements of civic virtue. The aim of the existence of a civil society is to allow individuals to follow self-perceptions in life, but at the same time within the framework of respect for the restrictions and obligations of civic virtue. In general, there are several approaches to realize this goal, and every approach to develop core values. In order to be adopted by the society as a whole and is supported by the various groups that make up civil society (Lubis, 2008). All legislations within all legal frameworks of all GCC States stipulate that interested parties have the right to form public societies. Each of these States has its own law regarding how these organizations are formed, how the public domain and its societies is organized, the relationship between State and organization and the extent of its control (Kannan, 2012). Democratic Civil Society visualization aims to establish a situation where being a bridge between the in common individual objectives and social objectives. In a society of this kind will be expected of all citizens to participate in defining the rules and standards that will be in accordance the governance of everyone. In such democratic society people engage in public consultations as individuals who has its own needs and interests. But in the context of this consultation disclose every person for his own way to help create a shared political orientation. In the context of this consultation people disclose their own interests in a way that help to create a general shared political or social orientation (Scholte, 2011). As a result of international pressure, Saudi Arabia has lately begun to enact a series of political and social reforms. The king, though nominally required by Shari’a law to seek the consensus of senior princes and religious officials on decisions, nonetheless remains the sole and absolute source of authority in Saudi Arabia. The very few NGOs that do exist were established by separate royal decrees; otherwise, no legal framework exists for establishing new NGOs. The government also allows some professional associations to form, but they too are subject to absolute government control. Libya, along with Saudi Arabia, has the dubious distinction of having the most extreme and restrictive NGO law in the Middle East and perhaps in the entire world (Montagu, 2010). In contrast, my recent interview with leading NGO and elite activists in preparation for this dissertation, contradict these assumptions made about how far or close the government grip on CSOs is. My contributions to this area of study through my research after conducting the fieldwork period, the ambiguity of the relationship between the civil society framework and state will be much clearer. Research Questions According to Hefner (2005), the prospect for a vibrant civil society in Saudi Arabia are quite good, though it is not likely to “fit” the standard definition’ (p. 203). Hefner (2005) goes on to state that: …Civil society is often defined in terms of voluntarily association, businesses organizations, labor unions, and other entities that are located between household and the apparatus of the state. In Saudi Arabia familial and religious networks are part and parcel of civil society and will not wither as more formal organizations take root (p. 203). In exploring the dynamics among the government, the religious leadership, and civil society in the Kingdom, this dissertation aims to provide answers to the following research questions: (1) What form has the civil society taken in Saudi Arabia and how significant a force is it? (2) What role has the religious leadership played in the social and political development in encouraging political reforms? (3) As the political authority, how has the government in Saudi Arabia related to civil society and the religious leadership in optimizing development and progress in the country? (4) What role has tribal regional and sectarian identities played in the rise and direction takes by civil society? (5) What role did religious figures and government play with regards to civil society? Research Hypothesis This study shall test the hypothesis that the role of civil society in Saudi Arabia is much more important and plays a more significant role than is currently acknowledged. At present, In spite of all political organisations and activities being banned in Saudi Arabia and all civil society organizations are strictly regulated religious figures are playing a major role in encouraging social reform and development in the context of Saudi Arabia’s political structure. Research Objectives This study is undertaken to investigate the role of civil society in Saudi Arabia in the context of political theory. The main hypothesis the study is seeking to test is the emergence of civil society. Civil society in Saudi Arabia is more active and vibrant than the general assumption; at the same time, it is facing difficulties and obstacles in maintaining its independence from the state. Findings will be related to the relevant literature to determine what may enhance the effectiveness of civil society in Saudi. New approaches can be learned from Middle Eastern experiences after their compatibility to the Saudi context have been determined. This study shall aim: (1) To analyse the way in which role has been used in the Saudi context both to advance the emergence of civil society and to contain it. (2) To understand the nature of civil society in the context of Saudi Arabian socio-political framework, and the role civil society plays in effecting socio-political change; (3) To gather evidence on the relative success of civil society as a change agent; (4) To identify those areas of concern that contributed to the shortcomings of civil society Significance of the study Through the decades to the present, several studies have underscored the limited academic literature concerning the presence and activities of civil society in the Middle Eastern world in general (Kamrava and Mora, 1998; Wiktorowicz, 2000; Montagu, 2010; Hebditch, 2010; Sprusansky, 2012). There is even less literature on Saudi Arabia along these topics. The study may provide vital information to policy makers, civil society leaders, legislators, businessmen, investors and managers, and other social students as basis for future research. This study also allows a unique and more insightful examination of the tensions within the Middle East and between the Arab Middle Eastern and Western powers. Preliminary Literature Review Civil society and democracy Civil society is most commonly defined as “the intermediate sphere” between individual/family and state, although the specific components of this sphere are diverse (Singh, 2013, p. 1). There are various qualifications attached to this “intermediate sphere” (Singh, 2013, p. 1). Some adopt Hegel’s view of civil society including bureaucracy and corporations in contrast to the state (Church, 2010). For others, civil society is comprised of voluntary grassroots associations conceived as the government of the people, pursuant to Tocqueville’s theory (Bin, 2000, p. 9). Still others, pursuant to Gramsci’s hegemony theory, include state participation as part of civil society, where consent rather than coercion was the means employed (Miles and Croucher, 2013). Finally, some see civil society as a loose public arena for deliberation and reason rather than ascription or inherited advocacies (Hermida, 2013). Of interest to students of the socio-political development of divergent societies is the effectiveness of civil society as agent of democratization. An earlier study by Kamrava and Mora (1998) compared the growth of civil society in two politically different regions, the Middle East and Latin America. The authors were working with the premise that democratic transition requires (1) the complete breakdown or paralysis of the state, and the absence of a viable alternative, and (2) the emergence of civil society either before the transition or before a new system consolidates. What is interesting is that at the time, Kamrava and Mora (1998) prophetically stated: ‘the non-democratic states of the Middle East have yet to fall victim to the successes of their own social and economic development policies’ and observed that the then authoritarian Middle East states have yet to reach ‘a complete political deadlock in the same way that most Latin American states had’ in the eighties (Kamrava and Mora, 1998). The authors had no way of anticipating the Arab Spring uprisings that took place more than a decade after the study was made, although their logic led to the inevitability of the movement. Islam and civil society Many writers have expressed their belief that civil society is incompatible with Islam because democracy and Islam are contradictory (Cinar, 2011; Potrafke, 2012; Rowley and Smith, 2009). Kamrava and Mora (1998) is of the contrary opinion, stating for a fact that there exists no contradiction between belief in Islam as a religion and the acceptance of democracy as a political system, echoing the findings of Midlarsky (1998); Tessler (2003); and Norris and Inglehart (2003). Writers of this opinion point to the Islamic nations in Asia that thrive in the democratic space created by a post-colonial regime. Tessler (2003) points to evidence from Palestine, Morocco, Algeria and Egypt where democratization has been adopted within the context of an Islamic society. In comparison, an article by Sariolghalam from the conference at the Swedish Research Institute, states that civil society is imbued with the concept of rationality, which if accepted transforms the social structure that imposes relativity and regularity in state-society relations. The state that is secure in its policies and political legitimacy allows unrestricted activities, divergent political views and freedom of association. Tibi (1996), in a talk given in the same conference, also opines that civil society is a matter of authenticity (Asalah) and the fact that Islam teaches that it is desirable to learn from other civilizations. Civil society will flourish in an Islamic state, depending on whether the rule is an Imam ‘Adil or Just Ruler, or an Imam Ja’ir or Despotic Ruler. Not only is Islam consistent with the Western theory of democracy, but ‘enlightened Muslims are able to draw on their own history to find a historical record of their process of learning from other civilizations…a synthesis of the Greek legacy and Islamic civilization’ (Tidi, 1996, p. 29). Congruity of civil society in Saudi Arabia Montagu noted the fact that civil society exists in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is unknown to many. There is the presumption based on the Western perspective of Saudi Arabia that civil society is not consistent with what is viewed as ‘a hegemonic and primitive monarchy’(Montagu, 2010, p. 69). The outside world is also generally uninformed about the activity of the domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the voluntary sector working in the Kingdom; the truth, however, is that local charitable organizations, NGOs, and the associational/ civil society in general have existed for decades. Several autonomous or semi-autonomous organisations have emerged in Middle Eastern societies, in various forms ranging from religious endowment organisations to private social clubs (Kamrava and Mora, 1998). Hebditch (2012) agreed that not much is known about non-profit civil society organisations in the Middle East in general, including Lebanon, Palestine, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Israel. Taheri (2004) noted that together with Saudi Arabia’s modernization, a number of power centres have taken shape in the form of dozens of assemblies in the form of professional associations, chambers of commerce, and cultural associations. These groups have provided the channels by which the Kingdom’s emerging middle class, empowered by education and economic wealth, have sought to create a greater impact on Saud Arabia’s decision-making processes. While the political regime ignored the growth of this sector, the urban middle class has become ‘the most potent force for reform’ (Taheri, 2004, p. 463). However there are other developments in Saudi Arabia’s civil society that require closer examination as a means of understanding the influence of civil society in the context of social and political conditions in Saudi Arabia. In Saudi Arabia, it was noted that the NGOs, charitable sector, and associations are principal actors in advancing the socio-political dialogue and social reform between the people and the governing Al Sa’ud family. Civil society has fostered more robust discussion and expression of dissent in addition to fulfilling their role as charitable organisations. The Sa’ud family exists simultaneously within the state where they are perceived as bureaucrats, and civil society where they are perceived as a magnanimous family (Montagu, 2010). A force that likewise plays a strong role in regulating the relationship between the government and the people is the Ulama, or the legal Islamic scholars. The official religious establishment is relied upon by the Al Sa’ud family for their political legitimacy, as well as the legitimacy of their issued state policies. Religious clerics and leaders likewise command the respect and obedience of the people. In light of the perception that the rise of NGOs is still relatively recent in Saudi society, and that time is required to build trust between NGOs and communities and individuals, religious leaders or the Ulama will continue to be a vital unifying actor in the relationship between government and the people (Alhargan, 2012). This research therefore fills an important gap in the literature: the role of religious leaders in civil society mobilization in an Arab context. The literature on civil society is not only focused on Western contexts and concepts, but also directs sparse attention to the role of religious leaders. This is particularly important in the Arab context where Islamic influences are particularly strong, especially in Saudi Arabia. Theoretical Framework The guiding principle of human social organization in Ibn Khaldun’s perspective is that differences of conditions among people are the result of the different ways in which they make their living. The circumstance of state formation in Saudi Arabia differs from any other country in the region or the world. The Saudi regime is neither capitalist nor democratic but authoritarian, in which case most civil society activities are assumed to be controlled by the state. As such, both state and civil society appear to have found a common ground by which they may coexist. ‘[T]he rediscovery of the concept [of civil society] is motivated by political changes that have swept traditional societies now integrated into a nation-state,’ and is influenced by the Western pattern (Al-Rasheed, 2005, p. 147). It may be entirely possible that the Western construct of a distinction between state and civil society may not be relevant in Saudi, in which case a new construct most be devised that explains the relationship between the two in the Saudi context. In arriving at this new construct, the established theories shall be used as guides to be compared with the Saudi experience and thereafter be accepted or discarded. These include the theories of state formation, modernization, the public sphere, administered society, civil development, authoritarianism, populism, co-optation and coercion (Beckman, 1997, p. 3). Research methodology: Current Research and Future Trajectory The study shall employ qualitative methods of analysis, in order to gain data in the form of narrative and opinion. Specifically, the case study and interview methods will be used to gain a deeper understanding of the social construct of civil society in Saudi Arabia. The case study is the study of a social phenomenon that is carried out within the boundaries of one or a few social systems such as people, organizations, groups, individuals, local communities, and others where the phenomenon exists (Swanborn, 2010). The interview consists of asking questions to obtain opinions, ideas or special information on topics of interest. Five civil organisations shall be the focus of the case study analysis in this dissertation. These are (1) the Saudi Arabian Society for Culture and Arts, (2) the First Welfare Society of Jeddah, (3) the Cooperative Office for Call and Guidance, (4) the World Assembly of Muslim Youth or WAMY, and (5) the Bab Rizq Jameel. The first is a cultural society, the second is a women’s association, the third is a charity sponsored by a religious figure, the fourth is a global youth movement, and the fifth is focused on providing job opportunities and livelihood prospects for the youth and the unemployed. By taking this approach, this research takes a diverse and detailed look at social mobilization in Saudi Arabia and provides robust data for analysing the role of religious leader in civil society in Saudi Arabia. This data will be collected through participation in the civil organizations and observations where participation is not possible. Therefore I intend to gain first-hand knowledge and understanding of social and civil society and mobilization in Saudi Arabia. The role of religious leaders in civil society in Saudi Arabia is obvious through a semi-structured interview between me and the President of the World Muslim Congress. The data collected via this interview indicates that there is room for further exploration of the insight and understanding of the role of religious leaders in civil society in Saudi Arabia and in the Arab Middle East in general. Intended Work I will carry out this research by conducting field work through participation and/or observation of five civil societies in Saudi Arabia. I will also conduct interviews with religious leaders associated with these societies. In addition to collecting empirical data, I will also conduct a review of literature and will use a theoretical framework to analyse the empirical data. I will first ensure that I obtain ethical approval before collecting the empirical data. Once analysis is complete I will draft the dissertation and revise it as necessary prior to submitting it. Development I have attended workshops and seminars listed on the application form. Originality This research is original in that it seeks to fill gaps in the literature and provide a rare and often neglected area of study. In filling the gaps in the literature, this research not only identifies questions and theories not fully explored in the literature, but also identifies areas for further research. Therefore this research contributes original information to current knowledge about civil society and its status in Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Middle East in general. Conclusion The outcome that is expected to emanate from this study is a profound definition of the nature of Saudi civil society, its relation to the religious and political leadership that have shaped Saudi’s history and traditions, and a description of the role of civil society in the modernization and globalization of Saudi Arabia. The conclusion shall describe in what manner Saudi civil society conforms with and deviates from the Western understanding of civil society. Because the relevant literature shows widely diverse perspectives of civil society in Saudi Arabia– some averring that it does not exist while others alleging that it does but cannot reconcile this fact with Saudi’s authoritarian political and religious institutions – then the logical inference is that there may be an entirely new understanding of Saudi’s concept of civil society. With the articulation of a new construct, the study will formulate therefrom a set of actionable principles which shall be recommended to public policy makers and leaders of socio-civic groups. The recommendations are intended to provide a practical adaptation to the findings and enhance the usefulness of the dissertation, and thereby bridge the divide between theory and actuality on the matter of Saudi civil society. Time Plan My first priority is to obtain ethical approval for collecting the empirical data although I have already begun the process of fieldwork. I will continue to conduct my fieldwork from November to May 2014, at the very least. In the mean time I will continue to gather and analyse the literature and will at some point begin drafting my dissertation. Once the empirical data results are collected and analysed, my analysis will be incorporated into the draft dissertation. Once the analysis is placed in the dissertation I will revise my dissertation. 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