Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the New World Order - Article Example

Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the New World Order Introduction Some considered France as the Europe’s melting pot; however it did not mute profuse challenges to the French assimilation model during the previous decades. Refugees from past colonies crowd the city; Muslim immigrants pinnacled in fertility rates threatening the depleting natality of French natives. Albeit this phenomenon hangs true all of Europe, immigration policies in France made it the most Muslim populated country in the continent. Today, France has about seven million Muslims, nearing 10 percent of the entire French population. With the present rate, this number doubles by 2025 (Leiken 8). Samuel Huntington in his “Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the New World Order” accounts that westerners now migrants with foreign tongues, different religions, and distinct mores more than soldiers and guns. This fear resonates from being stripped off their jobs, invasion of lands, plaguing of welfare system and endangered lifestyle (Huntington 200). Across nations, the degree of social integration varies based on the country’s convention whether it is generally immigrant like United States or not. Immigrant nations e.g., US, Australia, Canada and Great Britain, proves wider immigrant participation in social institutions than that of non-immigrant countries like France and Germany (Lynch and Simon 253). The extent of possible participation for the immigrant inside the social structure of a host country is influenced by the social integration method. The integration process also affects policies on immigration and dictates the success of the policies in ensuring diplomatic integration. This study deals with the challenge of social integration in France with respect to adoption of the assimilation model as well as the issues in integration, associations of paradigms to those of other countries in Europe. Sam et al define integration as the process of inclusion in which the immigrants have the ability to incorporate positive qualities of the other groups while maintaining their cultural self. In assimilation, a group of people only maintains good relations with the host population (Sam and Berry 168). The two approaches differ in the degree of identification, whereby integration upholds dual identity that is of the adopted and original culture. On the other hand, assimilation abets keen identification with the assumed culture. To offer a variety of materials dealing with social integration in France and related problems, the research will incorporate the use of secondary data collection. This will also support further information on the models of critical comparative integration of various nations. The literature review will include academic papers from journals of educational databases and of course books. Discussions will therefore employ qualitative research offering exploratory results which supports characteristics descriptions of particular groups or events. The approach however, does not apply hefty statistical comparisons (Thomas 1). In this method (qualitative research), document studies which include thematic analysis is the manner of data collection. Relevant data for the conduct of research to better understand the topic can be retrieved from libraries, public records or personal accounts, and related institutions. For the objectives of this research, study documents will comprise theoretical frameworks including empirical research probing on comparisons and exploratory subjects. Social Integration: An Overview There lies three different concepts of social integration: One is of it being inclusionary, which refers to a person enjoying equal claims and opportunities as much as everybody in the host country (United Nations Research Institute for Social Development 3). Second, increasing integration poses risk for it may be viewed as unsolicited obligation of uniformity. Lastly, integration is just a method of tracking and thus, defining the emerging trend of human relations. There is a vast list of reasons for migration. People immigrate in pursuit of better lifestyle due to various grounds akin to economic flux of the native country, political turmoil, or religious discrimination. Others simply immigrate to stay with their families. Regardless of reasons immigrants aim to obtain citizenship in the host country, which is influenced by the country’s capability of absorbing the immigrant as member of the community. A communal culture is characterized mainly by its members – that is by their preferences and constant behavior. While communities communicate with each other, individual cultures are altered by means of two interrelated mechanisms: behavioral adaptation empowered by benefits to coordination and preference changes influenced by socialization and self conviction. Policies designed to pursue social integration stand to develop conformity and common preferences among communities, yet weaken the fundamental objectives of cross-cultural synergy (or multiculturalism) (Kuran et al 1). Social Integration of Immigrants in France At the onset of the third millennium, the pursuit for identity has earned a spot in the so-called most politically charged concerns. The issue was so central that it has become a political motivation to both reputable West democracies and the post-regal societies as they advance toward modernization. This can be explained by the transformative processes which resulted from the globalization in unison with the stream of population migrations during the twentieth century (Maitrise, 2008). Post-industrial economies brought about dehumanization and alienation. This has gathered new dissent and forging of “deviant” identities. Once regarded as an item to the past, the notion of French citizenship, as to how Enlightenment conceives it as a universal abstraction, is being confronted by logic concerned with culture, gender, and sexual orientation particularly those coupled with religion and ethnicity. In search for individual legitimacy, new identities are being formed throughout sub-cultures linked with consumer habits and recreational activities such as Rai music and soccer. Others found refuge in finding connection in mythical pasts and pretend ancestry, or in international causes and movements. For new immigrants who have fallen victims to socio-economic whims of globalization, ethnicity and religion grow to be alternative answers in the concurrent pressures of assimilation and exclusion inside a circle called society. Cramming for the credit of a dissident identity is a combat for power (Maitrise ii). Dissident currents were gradually absorbed mainstream by representative democracies. However, Islam signifies a scrupulous challenge as it has evolved to an ideological foe against Western rationalism. Islam followers and the extent of its territory grow incrementally making them peril to the West. That’s how Muslim descent migrants have become doubly unwelcome both as assumed radicals and poor neighbors (Maitrise iii). Despite the outpour of criticisms of not having an integration model, France pursues a model of assimilation of social integration (Sackmann). The integration model of the French Republican engraves the assimilation model wherein immigrants ascertain the advantage of the cultural identity of the host country and renounce their inherent cultural identity, thereby pursuing the assimilation model. It is however noteworthy that Republicanism disregards ethnic, religious and social backgrounds as means to uphold equality. The method has rather incited marginalization, exploitation and humiliation for the immigrants (Oberti 2). Based on historical accounts, most of the France settlers are former colonies’ descent. Through assimilation, they were integrated into the country and its mores. After five years in the country, first generation immigrants can already become recognized citizens but initially have to be familiar with the French language, some degree of cultural assimilation, and have sufficient income. Naturalized citizenship is gained by immigrants of the second and third generation. At around 27 to 37 percent difference, studies show that those who are intermarried receive more than those who are bounded by marrying within their tribe or clan. For Africans (who have better comprehension of French) substantially higher intermarriage premium can be enjoyed, while non-Africans who seem to have stronger base in the native language, intermarriage may be a better option (Meng 3). The proportion of intermarriages such as between-group-members marriages and individuals from outside the circle is usually included in the standard indicators of assimilation of a group of immigrant into its host countries. The level of group’s integration is measured by the level of intermarriage which includes socioeconomic terms. In relation to marriage behavior of different immigrant groups in France, socioeconomic integration into French society were found to be strong for highly endogamous groups, while a low degree of integration was found among groups whom consider intermarriage as common. In this study by Safi (2008) the immigrant groups were defined by the countries of birth, then their level of socio-economic integration were compared. In the comparison, contextual effects i.e., sex proportions, numerical size and level of geographical proximity of the groups under study were taken into account. Apparently, there exist some major challenges to France in the issue of assimilation and integration. Significant changes have to be undertaken by both Muslims and French government to serve their best of interests and to somehow integrate or assimilate, in the best case, both communities into one. Only when these two societies move away from the comforts of their “status quo” that they can prevent things from crossing the borderline of control and thus, preventing unwelcome events in the history (Clayton 32). Observers and critics have pointed out correctly that France’s key problem is its failure to integrate the children of Arab immigrants. Surely, the United States also faces challenges in terms of minority integration, particularly the African Americans. However, France still poses much greater problem. For over 40 years, concerted flawed efforts have already been initiated to respond to the needs of minorities in America while in France, that process has nevertheless barely even begun. Among over a thousand of diplomats, CEOs, media people, 36, 000 mayors and a parliament with a pack of 577, members of Arab origin can be easily counted in both hands. This of course exempts the soccer team of France led by Zinedine Zidane an Algerian born player. However, the fact remains that not many Paris suburbs immigrants are able to kick their route due to economic circumstances (Gordon 1). Social Integration in France and other European Countries In social integration, France pursues assimilation model while other European countries get busy in the incorporation of immigration towards equity and eliminating discrimination. The individual assimilation model of France encourages differences between French people and immigrants which lead to inequality. Conversely, the incorporation model foster equality and eliminates differences (Sackmann). Immigration is a challenge confronting both Europe and United States in terms of economic and cultural integration. The study employed the ESS and CID surveys in comparing transatlantic public opinion on immigration and the immigrants. It was found out that cultural diversity in the Unites States is greatly tolerated, however like Europeans, Americans tend to over calculate number of immigrants coming in the US thus, favor lower immigration levels. The foundation of individual attitudes is the same across countries and amazingly immigration attitudes are found to be independent from country-level disparity in GDP, size and composition of foreign born, and unemployment. These findings imply higher immigration levels, which are largely viewed as an economic need, will entail more selective policies on immigration and stress on the assimilation of immigrants (Citrin 1). Scott (2009) conducted another migrant assimilation study in Europe. The study focused on a group of individuals who were labeled as migrants with mixed nationality relationship. These migrants can be defined as those who have married to a life outside their land in the company of a foreign partner. Scott asserts that this type of transnational migration is crucial to the process of assimilation. The study furthers that such “extreme” assimilation is probably inside a regional migratory system – same with EU – where the border of identity is relatively shallow since it is only for a reason of a partner or a family. Moreover, contribution of parents to cultural identity is not bounded only by ethnic orientation. In a positive way, parents also contribute to national identity. However, contribution in the cases of fathers and mothers are independent of each other. Dynamic acculturation inside immigrant families is reflected in these findings. These accounts are discussed in a study conducted among the adolescent second-generation immigrants in France (Sabatier 1). In another study (Silberman et al 1), investigated concepts on segmented assimilation that have evolved in U.S. context on France’s second generation. Ethnic differences in the market entry processes were examined using data from the survey of 98 school leavers. The study shows that groups who are formerly under the French colony and/or Muslim dominated are considerably disadvantaged. Upon entry at the labor market they possess educational credentials that are a notch or two below from that of the French natives. Despite the situation, the higher level of discrepancy on the unemployment cannot be attributed to the differences in education. Yet they believe that discrimination prevails during the hiring process. Apparently, mechanisms driving segmented assimilation adopted in US poses. Problems of Assimilation in France Immigrant groups’ aptitude in being a part of the host’s countries’ fundamental values, and the degree in which they are able to be involved or included in the host countries’ major social institutions are signified by social integration (Lynch and Simon 252). For the most part, the determinant of social integration in France is the republican model of integration or French Republicanism, which concentrates on the equal treatment of individuals regardless of race, ethnicity or the country of their origin. This entails that the country upholds equality but is deficient in officially categorizing the immigrants that enter their country (Oberti 1). This scheme also becomes one of France’s major problems when it comes to social integration since it is a limiting factor on the identification of the variety of the people living there. It also weakens the cultural identity and customs which are not of the host country. The unsuccessful implementation of the assimilation model paved way for the problem of social integration in France. This model also created constraints which prevented immigrants from being included in the society hence, dissatisfaction and disillusionment emerged. As a consequence, different riots arose in the urban centers. The immigrants were asking to be included specifically in the labor force. These were not experienced by other countries in Europe and the United States because they employ the inclusionary model. Restrictive laws were implemented by France in dealing with immigrant integration because of the supposed threat by the immigrant groups (Lynch and Simon 265). Because of the quantity and the homogeneity of the immigrant groups, they are a threat to the culture of the host country. Moreover, during the Second World War, France expected that these immigrant groups will leave after some time when a few of them first started to settle in France. Due to this expectation, rules were implemented. These rules are still being used in addressing the present issues of immigration (Sackmann). Major Clayton observed the different aspects of assimilation in his study of the assimilation of the Savoyards, Alsatians, and the Muslims into the superior French civilization. The aspects observed are the rate of the immigration, local and nation economics at the time of assimilation, political representation, difference in culture and the willingness of the immigrants and host country to assimilate (Clayton 22). Rate of Immigration Savoyard and Alsatians stayed in the same area they shared from the time they were integrated up to the present. Both groups regard the land as their home. They also have been historically connected to the place. No significant effects in the metropolitan areas of France were created by the expansion or contraction of the populations in these two groups. On the other hand, the immigration of the North Africans had an effect on the metropolitan areas of France especially on the government sectors which were assigned to address the settlement issues of the immigrants. The Muslims came to France as refugees of a “war of independence” choosing to make as sanctuary the land of their former colonizers (Clayton 22). Presently, Paris comprises of the one third of the French Muslims. The government constructed “instant” communities which were located away from the city centers. This was done primarily in order to lessen the uprisings of the Muslim population. Later, this led for two different communities to be established. No problems arise if the Muslims will continue to be the minority. Nevertheless, the demographics and the whole of France were affected by the increase in the birth rate of the Muslims and the slow growth of the French birth rate (Clayton 22). Economics In France, some of the immigrants owned property, were self- sufficient and were not fully depending on the government for employment, home and food, except for the Muslim who are otherwise. The first few generations of the immigrants were dependent on government aids when they first arrived in France but in 1970, when the economics was unstable, the number of Muslim families who depend on the government increased. The second and third generation immigrants now find it hard to be employed and own property due to the slow-moving economy and the increase in unemployment rate of the North Africans (Clayton 23). Though the government makes available food and shelter for the immigrants, the high rates of unemployment makes it impossible for these families to grow beyond the “survival living”. This scenario is also present in the second and third generation immigrants which became more dependent on government aids. Any country which does not empower their people will also makes it hard for their people to improve their economic status or to produce wealth which will enable them to leave their current underprivileged society for a wealthier one (Clayton 23). Politics North Africans were not identified politically in Frances’ metropolitan areas when the first came to France. A “color-blind republic that embraces all” is what the French regard themselves. Their belief is that it is not necessary for a group to be recognized base on race or religion. Hence, because the North Africans do not correspond to any national definition of minorities which are fundamentally founded on ethnic and racial standards, they are an unrecognized minority who don’t enjoy the same minority rights, safeguards and security from discrimination as others. Starting from the North African immigrants up to the present, immigrants do not jointly own a certain region and are not acknowledged as other ethnic or religious groups. They do not represent their group politically. It has been more than forty years since the first generation of North Africans came to France, but still no communal representation exists. Less than a handful of Arab origin are representatives, out of the 36,000 mayors, 577 members of parliament, and thousands of CEOs, diplomats, and media personalities (Clayton 24). French Muslims are not united and the divisions which comprise of communities, families, religious sects and ethnicity are further subdivided. Conversely, the Alsatians unite against the French government whenever necessary. To be able to gain success in assimilation in a democratic form of government, the most important factor to consider is the political representation of a community which maybe regional, spiritual, or ethnical in nature (Clayton 24). Religion and Culture French colonialism is the most noteworthy of the historical occurrences there is between the French and the North Africans. North Africans and French are divided by the idea of incorporating the religious, ethnic, and previous class structure which were present in the times of colonialism. During French colonialism, to be able to acquire the benefit of having full civil rights as French, one must give up his religion, or religious customs, if not the religion itself (Clayton 25). Currently, an increasing number of the younger generation of North African Muslim immigrants are initially categorizing themselves as Muslims before recognizing the country of origin of the family or the country where they live. This resulted to the weaker assimilation of their present generation than the first generation. This is due to their fear that their assimilation with the French will result to a diminished Muslim cultures and practices. Nevertheless, they also desire to be integrated with the French community given the condition that they can still keep their distinct identity and retain certain aspects of their culture. This practice of the younger generation of immigrants results to conflicts with the French. This also results to the French blaming the Muslims for the social issued of today (Clayton 25). A study was conducted by Princeton which focused on this issue. Three primary responses were the result of interviews with a few white collar and blue collar workers. One of the responses illustrates the immigrants as lacking sense of responsibility, and poor work ethics and can access wealth greater than what they ought to have. Frenchmen look at this as being unfair in consideration of the education and the quality of life which are sliding steadily among working class neighborhoods. There are also responses that maintain North Africans are incapable of assimilating, if not refusing to, and this cancels their right to live in France. Other responses claim that the practices of the Muslims differ and are not well-suited with the cultural practices of France and are a factor which leads to the destruction of the French quality of life. This study caused the shift of the French government’s to the right on the issues of immigration though it is not a representation of the opinion of the whole population of France. In fact, there is a leader of the Movement for France Party that expressed opinion on keeping the borders of France close to stop immigrants from invading, proposing to send an army into the suburbs to maintain order. A message is being sought to be delivered to the youth who are causing troubles: love France or leave France. The Interior Minister vowed to clean the streets with youthful troublemakers with the use of force. One can deduce that these views are supported by the citizens since the approval ratings of the figures concerned remained on a 57 percent mark (Clayton 26). Desire for Assimilation Assimilation is a process which requires the desire of both parties—the group to be incorporated, which is the minority and the group to incorporate which is the majority. This becomes a problem to the Christians and Muslims, or Europeans and North Africans’ cultural differences. More time will be required for the assimilation since the greater the difference is in the culture, the greater will be the subordination. Presently, there is a difference in opinion of the whole French nation. While some in the French government opted to keep the status quo, others want to exert more force in addressing the issues of the immigrants. While the Muslims do not want to modify their culture and tradition, the French want the North Africans to be reclassified as “French”. Today, no compromise on the issue is seen on both sides (Clayton 27). The reality of the existence of the problem is refused by both sides to be investigated and looked at. Currently, no assimilation between French and Muslims will subsist for this reason (Clayton 27). Furthermore, unemployment levels of the youth immigrants which increased to 40 percent resulted to continuous street riots. These riots signify that the French economy was unsuccessful in producing jobs for young people who are now out on the streets creating riots. In the past, riots which were started by farmers and trade unionists are easier to prevent by just promising more protection or social welfare. This is not applicable to the present riots which are initiated by unorganized groups of young people who are unemployed (Gordon, 1). Conclusion and Recommendations The present structure of social integration and assimilation in France offers a breathing space for social turbulence as it attempts to safeguard its homogeneity from immigrants while at the same time taking care of their welfare. Nonetheless, in order to produce a system that would bring about equality and identity, it requires that France concentrates on reducing the disparity instead of increasing it as what is happening in the present. Today, what made the problems worse is the failure of France to establish a sense of belonging and identity among the immigrant groups. Change in the structure of assimilation in France is necessary but these changes will not be implemented easily since it is a political season. Economic reform which is the call of election campaigns will be granted with uprisings on French social protection. Calls for extraordinary measures to address the issues of the immigrants will be aired, targeting the French culture. However, it is not unlikely for the politicians to confront the resistance of France to change since the riots are now wide spreading. If the government will not maintain status quo, this will only lead to the worsening of the riots which will eventually take down the French system. (Gordon 1). Gordon furthers that flexibility of the French markets and the prevention of the bureaucratic red tape are the steps necessary to be taken by the government in order to create jobs. 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