The Rise of CCTV Surveillance in the UK - Case Study Example

Which theoretical perspective within ‘surveillance studies’ best explains the rise of CCTV surveillance in the UK Introduction The development ofcriminal activity worldwide has led to the increase of measures taken by the state towards the limitation of phenomena of violence against the citizens in both urban and rural areas. However, it has been proved that in most cases criminals remain unpunished; severe problems exist regarding the identification of their identity. The above problem has been related with the lack of balance between population and police officers around the world – the situation is worst in cities which are too crowed in order for the police to have the power of immediate intervention in any case of criminal action. Current paper focuses on the examination of the terms of use of a specific measure of control, the CCTV, in Britain. Appropriate theories have been employed in order to explain the increase of number of these systems implemented across the country. It seems that the introduction of such systems in UK is unavoidable taking into account the percentages of criminal activity developed across the country; as for the personal rights – which can be considered as partially violated by the use of CCTV systems – it can be mentioned that the level of violation of these rights because of the use of the above systems is low compared to the benefits resulted; the use of CCTV systems is related with the decrease of criminal activity in the areas where these systems operate. The above issues are also justified through the theory developed in the particular field. The interest of the public is considered to be more important than the interest of the persons that would claim a violation of their rights because of the use of CCTV systems. On the other hand, there is also the view that the use of CCTV systems has not led to the limitation of criminal activity. All aspects of these systems’ effectiveness in UK will be examined especially in relation with the theory developed in the specific area of knowledge. Statistics and figures will be also used for the support of the assumptions made. CCTV systems have been found to be valuable tools of support for the British police even if the effectiveness of these systems is sometimes limited. 2. CCTV surveillance in the UK – aspects and characteristics The use of CCTV surveillance systems across Britain has been increased the last years (see indicative graph in Figure 1) mostly because of the relevant increase of criminal events in all regions across the country. Figure 1 – CCTV Statistics in Hackney, UK (source: Council’s website) CCTV systems have been considered to be particularly valuable in the limitation of criminal activity in Britain; there are however opposite views that they consider the use of these systems to be a violation of human rights; the benefits achieved have been also criticized to be low compared to their cost and the violation of rights with which these systems are related. In this context, it is supported that ‘the average Briton is caught on camera an astonishing 300 times every day’ (The Times Online, March 3, 2009). Through another research it has been revealed that ‘there are 4.2 million security cameras in the UK’ (Channel 4 News, 2008).It should be noticed that despite their negative implications, CCTV systems are likely to enter most cities – also rural regions of particular importance, like those where train stations exist or those where important social or events (concerts, athletic events and so on) are developed. 3. Explanation of the rise of CCTV surveillance in the UK - theoretical framework Different theories have been employed in order to explain the development of CCTV systems across modern states. In the study of Hier (2004) CCTV is characterized as ‘a ‘social ordering strategy’ which serves the interests of elite/business partnerships through risk-based modes of neoliberal regulation’ (Hier, 2004, 541). The above study – which is heavily based on the metaphor of panopticon in order to explain the use of CCTV systems for the limitation of criminal activity does not refer to the criteria used for the evaluation of CCTV as part of a region’s social life. On the other hand, the fact that CCTV systems have been implemented in order to serve the needs of business activities cannot lead to the assumption that these systems are closely related with the society; CCTV systems have been proposed primarily as tools for the protection of business interests – their use in communities for the protection of the safety of citizens has been a next step. In other words, the social character of CCTV resulted through the years – it was not a primary characteristic of these systems. Another theoretical framework for the explanation of the development of CCTV systems could be the communication privacy management theory; the specific theory which implies that ‘people manage the boundaries around information that they seek to keep private’ (Allen et al., 2007, 172) could be used for the explanation of the use of CCTV in the following context: people can effectively handle cases of emergency when information is available; when time is required for the retrieval of the information necessary to reveal the causes of a particular event, then there are many chances that people involved in the specific task will be unable to complete it – at least a significant delay is expected to exist. The study of Allen et al. (2007) refers to the use of CCTV systems in the workplace – for the surveillance of employees but also for the surveillance of the business establishments; the issues of safety and fraud are quite emergent in the specific environment – in other areas, like outside schools, CCTV systems are expected to serve the needs of the public and not of entrepreneurs. The concept of panoptic theory is also used by Elmer (2003) in order to explain the surveillance of consumers; in this case, the market trends – consumer preferences and behaviour are the targets set by the user of CCTV systems. In the above study, it is noted that ‘a contemporary theory of panoptic surveillance could be combined with a Foucaultian in an attempt to explain how consumer `choice is shaped by both rewards and punishments’ (Elmer, 2003, 231). The use of surveillance systems in business areas serves the interests of entrepreneurs from many different aspects: in prohibiting potential criminals from entering the business entities, in prohibiting employees from causing damages on various organizational sectors and in identifying the customer response to the firm’s initiatives, as for example the use of the firm’s café by customers, the use of firm’s facilities by customers and so on. Under similar terms, Krueger (2005) noted that ‘Michel Foucault’s insights concerning surveillance and resistance can be used in order to develop empirical hypotheses related to surveillance and Internet political participation’ (Krueger, 2005, 439). Again the views of Foucault are used in order to explain the development of CCTV systems in a particular country – the criteria used in this case are political and not financial as before. In fact, the work and the assumptions of social theorists could be used in order to explain the increase in the use of CCTV systems within modern countries. In any case, the will for increase of the control over the population seems to be related with the appearance and the development of these systems around the world. The specific view is also supported by the study of Hempel et al. (2009) who noted that ‘Haggerty and Ericsons notion of the `surveillant assemblage, which draws on philosophical concepts of Deleuze and Guattari can be used in order to analyse the dynamics of contemporary increasingly extensive and intensifying surveillance’ (Hempel et al., 2009, 157). In the above study it is not made clear whether the development of surveillance systems can actually be related with specific benefits for the governments or communities worldwide; just the initial intentions of these system’s providers – and of their users – can be interpreted. Towards this direction, it is made clear that ‘in producing urban spaces of an entrepreneurial kind, contemporary surveillance practices need to be placed within wider debates about continuing urban inequality and the meaning of spatial justice’ (Coleman, 2005, 131). Other theoretical explanations could be used in order to justify the increase of surveillance around the world – the benefits of these systems have been proved in many cases to be limited compared with their overall costs and their effects on people’s rights and behaviour. In accordance with Bajc (2007) ‘the practice of surveillance under the meta-frame of security is based on acquiring ever more detailed information and parceling out the state territory into different types of enclosures; the state seeks flexibility to follow this information globally and in real time’(Bajc, 2007, 1567). Again the state seems to be the main promoter of CCTV systems; the political interests for the development of these systems seem to be stronger than all other potential interests being served by the implementation of CCTV systems. The above view is similar with the one of Lewis (2006) who supported that ‘the modalities of disciplinary and sovereign power can be related to the overall social relations of late capitalism’ (Lewis, 2006, 263). The above study introduces another idea; governments worldwide do not have the exclusive responsibility for the development of CCTV systems in commercial, educational, residential and leisure sites worldwide; these systems are necessary for the modern style of life to be kept intact; in fact, through the development of human activities within the context of capitalism it became necessary that these activities are monitored making sure that they do not come in opposition with existing social and legal rules (Reynald, 2009, 25). The specific view can be justified by the fact that in countries of the Third World – with quite low level of living conditions, the use of CCTV systems is quite limited – if even existed. There are no important – in terms of their cost – objects to be protected – human life in these countries is not considered to have an important value. It is for the above reasons that CCTV systems are mostly developed in highly developed countries serving the following target – as described by Coleman (2005, 131) ‘cities attempt to reimage and remarket themselves in the context of regional, national and international inter-urban competition for capital investment; entrepreneurial city has inaugurated changes in the surveillance and control of urban space’. In these regions, CCTV systems are part of the daily life, being used for a series of reasons – as described above – including the leisure – in the case of reality shows, an issue highlighted in the study of Dubrofsky (2007). Surveillance in modern world has become part of the human life – mostly in the developed countries as described above; the higher a country has followed the principles of capitalism, the higher their citizens are likely to be under surveillance in all their activities. As noted by Wood (2009, 179) ‘while surveillance is involved with processes of globalization, it is also not necessarily the same `surveillance society that one sees in different places and at different scales; surveillance is historically, spatially and culturally located’ (Wood, 2009, 179). The above study sets another issue; surveillance is related with the technological development but also the culture of a country. All the above views can be used in order to identify and evaluate the role of CCTV systems in Britain but also to explain the reasons for the development of these systems across the country. 4. Practical implications of the rise of CCTV surveillance in the UK The use of CCTV surveillance across UK has been considered to be the most appropriate method for the limitation of the phenomena of violence and the reduction of the rates of criminal activity – mostly in the country’s cities. However, in practice the effectiveness of the specific method of control of criminal activity does not seem to be as effective as expected. At a next level, the development of CCTV surveillance in Britain has been found to have specific implications. At a first level, the expansion of CCTV systems across UK could be explained taking into consideration the increase in the number of migrants entering the country – referring especially to the illegal migrants that try to enter the country using any potential means of transportation. However, the British government has applied another type of surveillance in the particular case; it is the type of surveillance mentioned in the work of Broeders (2007). In the specific study it is noted that ‘because borders and immigration policy alone cannot stop irregular migration, many governments turn to internal migration control on settled irregular migrants. Surveillance of this group is aimed at their exclusion from key societal institutions, discouraging their stay’ (Broeders, 2007, 71). However, the above efforts need appropriate and efficient resources: funds, technology, appropriately skilled employees. In the specific case, the use of CCTV systems – as a tool used by the British government for the protection of citizen’s safety – could be justified; the cost of these systems – referring to their implementation and use – is lower compared to other measures required for the surveillance over specific areas across Britain. Apart from the control of illegal migrants, CCTV systems are used in Britain – like in other countries worldwide – for the monitoring of activities that are related with terrorism. After examining the use of CCTV systems for the prevention of terrorism in public spaces across London Fussey (2007) came to the assumption that ‘although reactionary terrorist activity may be amenable to disruption through CCTV, the same does not necessarily apply for groups with more nebulous formations; difficulties are identified in grafting crime-control surveillance strategies onto counterterrorism’ (Fussey, 2007, 171). In other words, CCTV systems cannot be characterized as quite valuable regarding the control of terrorism in Britain. Other potential uses of these systems across the above country would be examined and evaluated. One of the most important uses of CCTV systems in Britain is that related with the control of community crimes. After examining the methods used by the British authorities for the limitation of community crimes, Hope (2001) came to the assumption that there are ‘three different governmental strategies for crime reduction: the promotion of the private control of crime; the `weeding of crime from communities; and the building of a new institutional order’ (Hope, 2001, 421). CCTV systems are included in the first of the above categories; it should be noticed that these systems are usually implemented and administered by private firms – this is a practice used in all countries worldwide – there is also the case that such systems are implemented and administered by the police or similar security forces used by a country’s government. In the above context, the control of crime in urban areas can be compared – as of the practices used – with that developed by businesses (Coleman, 2005) – referring to the use of CCTV systems in shops, music halls, shopping centres and so on. In fact, CCTV systems are more related with business activities; the number of these systems implemented in commercial sites is extremely high compared to the CCTV systems implemented for the control of community crimes. In the study of Raco (2003) it is noted that ‘urban regeneration programmes in the UK over the past 20 years have increasingly focused on attracting investors, middle-class shoppers and visitors by transforming places and creating new consumption spaces’ (Raco, 2003, 1869). The limitation of crime in urban spaces – especially in sites that are highly developed in terms of tourism and commerce – may serve specific interests: the promotion of tourism in a particular area; from this view, CCTV systems could be regarded as being involved in the increase of protection provided to the visitors in Britain – the support of the country’s economy could be assumed to be a significant benefit of the use of CCTV systems across Britain. It should be noted that the material gathered through the CCTV systems is reviewed and evaluated by police officers. The reference to the role of police officers to the limitation of criminal activity across UK – especially regarding the use of CCTV systems by police officers for the identification and the evaluation of offenses - is therefore necessary. As noted by Schellenberg (2000, 667) ‘surveillance can encourage, as well as inhibit, the police predilection for lenience’. The above study refers to the potential differentiation in the behaviour of police officers regarding a particular offense. Under these terms, the material gathered through the CCTV systems – referring to a specific event – can lead the police officers in different assumptions. The use of specific criteria of evaluation is necessary in order to avoid wrong assumptions on a particular event. 5. Conclusion CCTV systems are used in modern cities – also in specific rural areas that are likely to be crowded, e.g. train stations – in order to guarantee the safety of local population but also of the visitors. The sociological aspects of the use of these systems have been analyzed above. Most of the studies developed in this area seem to support the use of these systems even if there are specific implications. In accordance with Zurawski (2007, 269) ‘closed-circuit television (CCTV) has become the icon of surveillance, both in popular culture as well as in actual politics; its prosthetic forms penetrate the public sphere and spaces’ (Zurawski, 2007, 269). From a similar point of view, it is noted that ‘especially for old industrial cities, safe and clean city centres are regarded as a necessary asset for competition and image promotion’ (Belina et al., 2003, 1845). In other words, the use of CCTV systems in modern cities is unavoidable; the style of life developed in most cities around the world – including London – leads to the necessity of these systems as tools for the control of criminal activities but also for the identification of potential threats. The fact that the effectiveness of these systems is not quite high – at least through having a look at the criminal statistics in Britain and in other developed countries that have adopted CCTV systems – has to be mentioned (Surette, 2006, 100). In accordance with Reiner (2000) ‘current `third way policies for crime reduction may achieve modest success, in part because they indirectly encourage agencies to manipulate statistically recorded outcomes to their advantage’ (Reiner, 2000, 71). CCTV systems could be also characterized as a third-way policy for the limitation of crime. In any case, it would be preferable for Britain – and for other countries that use CCTV systems for controlling criminal activity – to develop preventive measures for the limitation of crime; the latter should be prevented – not be monitored when it is in progress. Bibliography Allen, M., Coopman, S., Hart, J. (2007) Workplace Surveillance and Managing Privacy Boundaries. Management Communication Quarterly, Vol. 21, No. 2, 172-200 Bajc, V. (2007) Surveillance in Public Rituals - Security Meta-ritual and the 2005 U.S. Presidential Inauguration. American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 50, No. 12, 1648-1673 Bajc, V. (2007) Debating Surveillance in the Age of Security. American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 50, No. 12, 1567-1591 Belina, B., Helms, G. (2003) Zero Tolerance for the Industrial Past and Other Threats: Policing and Urban Entrepreneurialism in Britain and Germany. Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No. 9, 1845-1867 Broeders, D. 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