Is Gender a Risk Factor for Internalising Problems - Coursework Example

Is Gender a Risk Factor for Internalising Problems? Introduction Gender studies at academic levels have typically focused on the causative theories of childhood mental health and subjectivity of experiences. Baum (1997) argues that socio-cultural factors should be considered as much as biological determinants in order to substantiate the studies related to emotional aspects of girl’s problems and how they tend to internalise problems more than boys do (110). Contrary to this claim, there are ample evidences that do not regard gender discriminations to be as important as the impact of society and culture upon human psychology (Woodward and Kohli 2001: 27). But by and large, it is clinically projected that a girl child tends to internalise problems more, which often leads to a state of emotional turmoil for the subject whereas the cognitive process of externalisation is more of a masculine trait characterised by behavioural aberrations or difficulties. The implications of both internalising and externalising problems range from mild disturbances to severe ones. From sociological worldviews, the phenomenon of overreacting to problems is given additional emphasis over the same of under-reacting to problems, the latter being tantamount to subverting the seriousness of the disorders in question (Wilmshurst 2008: 186). The Thesis Question Cognitive disorders generally manifest themselves in a twofold manner – behavioural and emotional. The emotional route is more akin to individuals or groups belonging to the women population, whereas conduct and hyperactivity syndromes are related to externalising disorders existing in male populations (Goodyer 2005: 19). Now it is imperative in the purview of this paper that discourses on the role of gender should be kept relevant to internalisation only. Hence, the thesis question is based on how gender is related to mitigating casual inferences drawn from the conjecture that emotional problems fall under the category of mood or anxiety disorders. Two probable risk factors, namely mood and anxiety disorders, will be thoroughly evaluated in the paper. Mood Disorders Mood disorders are very common to children and adolescents. This type of cognitional problem may broadly be categorised under mental health diseases that are usually treated by psychoanalytical therapies. Subjectivity of thoughts and excessive pondering over the self may lead to syndromes of depression. It might be noted that depressed mood is quite common to all children, particularly those who are of school-going age. But therapeutic interventions are required when it gets symptomatic, recurring from time to time. Some of the tell-tale signs of mood disorder in children are demonstrated by pessimism, lack of interest in participating activities that were previously enjoyed by the subjects, low self-esteem, and fluctuating or diminishing levels of concentration. Physical syndromes such as loss of appetite and insomnia may also show up in acute cases (Roberton 2003: 135). Rutherford et al. (2004), however, argue that mood disorders can be difficult to discern from anxiety disorders as both types have linkage with depressive disorders. Hence, conclusive research works have often been problematised to a great extent by similarity of assessment metrics in behavioural sciences. But when it comes to internalising problems, children’s behavioural attributes do take certain patterns on the basis of which studies are generally made. Two of the most prominent patterns include Anxiety-Withdrawal-Dysphoria and Schizoid-Unresponsive (Merrell 2003: 247). However, as pointed out by both Merrell (2003) and Rutherford et al. (2004), anxiety and moodiness have quite a few elements similar to each other. It makes it difficult from research point of views to draw a clear borderline between the two main areas of internalising problems. The interpolation of both the diagnostic divisions may be seen as complementary to one another, thus forming a causal chain. Merrell tabulates the conspicuous characteristics of both: Table 1. Comparative syndromes of internalisation of problems (Merrell 2003: 247) It is quite apparent from the above entropic representation that the quiet people in the classroom, as observed by Collins (1996), are the ones who are prone to symptoms enlisted on the right hand column. They usually have an avoidance tendency with wandering measure of focus and lack of concentration on the immediate task at hand. Albeit the common consensus views girls as the chief carrier of anxiety and mood disorders, varying parameters have emerged out of literature reviews on this issue. While both theoretical as well as empirical data have repeatedly underscored “higher rates of unipolar depression in women than in men” (Radke-Yarrow 150), any attempt to generalise this complicated correlation may not be a prudent idea. Wavering moods during puberty, for instance, give no clear guideline as to whether this should be categorised under subjective or objective domains. Yet, it presents an affected disorder of sorts for girls only. Anxiety Disorders Drawing on from the instance of puberty, it is relevant to underpin the key rationales of anxiety disorders found in adolescents and children. A study conducted in Brisbane, Australia unearthed crucial information on how parental gender affects the epidemiological outcomes. Internalisation of problems was found to be the clinical perpetrator of anxiety related issues in 40 out of 57 children aging between 6 and 16 years. Prevalence of internalising problems was reported by 52 mothers and 40 fathers (Siddons and Lancaster 2004: 18). Now the striking inference to be drawn from the construct of parental impact on gender-based anxiety and mood disorders is implicitly related to socio-psychological stimuli. Grant and Potenza (2007) argue that interpersonal relations between parents affect adolescent girls more than their male counterparts. Since girls are expected universally to adopt a role of emotional sensitivity, they are more prone to receive psychological setbacks than boys. Consequently, they ride an extremely topsy-turvy state of cognition which can lead to acute depressive syndromes and anxiety disorders. It is also worth noting at the same time that boys show more prominent traits of mental depression during pre-pubertal times than girls, with the table turning upside down during the adolescent phase (5-6). Cicchetti and Cohen (2006) purport that girls afflicted with depression and anxiety display distinctive symptoms such as hypersomnia, weight gain, increased appetite, irritableness and pessimism, and sense of worthlessness. Boys with over-controlling dispositions show typical signs of Dysphoric disorder which is perfectly in accord with existing research outcomes. However, when girls start developing Dysphoric symptoms, internalisation of problems assumes its most subjective aura in that they completely retreat into a self-made shell and tend to develop introspective behavioural patterns. They become compulsively inclined to socialisation and developing overtly conscious self-image. On the contrary, boys having the same disorder show radically antonymous behavioural attributes such as aggressiveness, under-controlling, and self-boasting. The chronic pessimism and gloominess in adolescent girls suffering from depression underscores the discursive framework in which gender differences have different implications (104). Anxiety disorders born of internalisation of problems may be scaled according to assorted parameters. The development of phobia early in the childhood may entail severe anxiety disorders in future, especially as phobias put expressional constraints over younger people. They find it difficult to voice their opinions or to clearly state their points before a group of people. Opaqueness of conversation, perceptional confusions and subsequent withdrawals lead to separation anxiety disorders which, in turn, fuel dissociative personality disorders and a sense of alienation from community or society. To put in a smaller context, a fear syndrome develops in children undermining their will to look at the positive sides of life in general. According to the normative structure laid down in DSM-IV, anxiety disorders manifest themselves in varied forms, most notably through avoidant disorder, overanxious disorder, generalised anxiety disorder, attention-deficit/hyperactive disorder, mood disorder, learning disorder, and stress disorders (Frances and Ross 2001, and Rapoport and Ismond 1996). Considering the socio-psychological preconditions imposed on girls at birth, there is very little doubt that each of these disorders affects them the most. Critical Response But how far do behavioural aspects of adolescent psychology justify the negation of internalisation of problems. It has been stated earlier that emotional attributes are analogous to the framework of internalisation. The logical progression will therefore be limited to diagnostic formulas based more on biological considerations than social or psychological factors. While traits such as escapism or intense avoidance syndromes can hardly be ascribed to biological stimuli, it is also pertinent to look at how boys’ cases form a conceptual void with regard to prevailing studies. First, ongoing researches fail to mitigate the risk of gender allocation on children’s behaviour under controlled simulations. Typifying any kind of attribute in simulated environments does not yield satisfactory outcomes all the time. Second, sudden and unforeseen disruption in parental care often shows contradictory results in terms of gender-specific responses. Third, forgetfulness is still vaguely characterised by existing models of internalisation. House (2002) argues rightly: These aspects of anxiety are not rigidly compartmentalized, but fade into each other. For instance, when a student “forgets” about a forthcoming test that he or she has been very worried about, is this avoidance a cognitive or a behavioral manifestation? More important than worrying about abstract boundaries is the recognition that anxiety is a complex response with multiple manifestations (i.e., symptoms) (62) Conclusion In essence, relevant studies have also unearthed the fact that internalising problems is also seen among males, which leads to the development of negative and conflicting personalities. In such cases, serious problems such as child molestation and interpersonal violence may occur (Rowland and Incrocci 2008: 538). List of References Baum, A. (1997) Cambridge handbook of psychology, health, and medicine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cicchetti, D., and Cohen, D. J. (2006) Developmental Psychopathology: Theory and method. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons Collins, J. (1996) The Quiet Child. London: Cassell Frances, A., and Ross, R. (2001) DSM-IV-TR case studies: a clinical guide to differential diagnosis. Arlington, Virginia: American Psychiatric Pub Goodyer, I. M. (2005) The origins and course of common mental disorders. New York: Taylor & Francis Grant, J. E., and Potenza, M. N. (2007) Textbook of men’s mental health. Arlington, Virginia: American Psychiatric Pub House, A. E. (2002) DSM-IV diagnosis in the schools. New York: Guilford Press Merrell, K. W. (2003) Behavioral, social, and emotional assessment of children and adolescents. New York: Routledge Rapoport, J. L., and Ismond, D. R. (1996) DSM-IV training guide for diagnosis of childhood disorders. Hove, East Sussex: Psychology Press Roberton, D. M. (2003) Practical paediatrics. Kidlington, Oxford: Elsevier Health Sciences Rowland, D. L., and Incrocci, L. (2008) Handbook of sexual and gender identity disorders. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons Rutherford, R. B., Quinn, M. M., and Mathur, S. R. (2004) Handbook of research in emotional and behavioral disorders. New York: Guilford Press Siddons, H., and Lancaster, S. (2004) An overview of the use of the child behavior checklist within Australia: report. Camberwell, Victoria: Aust Council for Ed Research Wilmshurst, L. (2008) Abnormal Child Psychology: A Developmental Perspective. New York: CRC Press Woodward, A. E., and Kohli, M. (2001) Inclusions and exclusions in European societies. New York: Routledge Read More