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Boko Haram Insurgency - Essay Example

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This essay aims to evaluate the Boko Haram insurgency, the historical advancement of Boko Haram and the conflicts it has experienced in the state of Nigeria, and the response by the Nigerian government to the obscure group. …
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Boko Haram Insurgency
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Boko Haram Insurgency Due Boko Haram Insurgency Introduction Boko Haram is a violent Islamic terrorist group thatdominates the northern region of Nigeria. This group has gained significant prominence based on the significant influence that it has realized in Africa’s most populous as well as oil-rich country. Since the year 2009, the group has raised a series of anti-government and extremist attacks in the northern and central region of Nigeria. In 2011, the Boko Haram insurgency killed more than 550 people after undertaking 115 different attacks across the country (Aka, 2012). In total, about 2,800 deaths are linked with the violent and rudimentary attacks tactics that Boko Haram adopts (Copeland, 2013). In addition to targeting government institutions, Nigerian Christians and Muslims, the group has been accused of collaborating with the government of Nigeria to carry out attacks against the United Nations headquarters that are situated in Abuja. During the attacks that were carried out at the UN headquarters in August 2011, 23 people were killed while 81 were seriously wounded. After Gaddafi’s regime ended in Libya, Boko Haram took advantage of this opportunity and involved themselves in arms proliferation in the country (Aka, 2012). The group has started adopting various monikers, such as the Nigerian Taliban, and thus revealing that it has started taking on the broader roles that are attributed to the international Jihad (Azikiwe, 2013). This paper will undertake an evaluation of the historical advancement of Boko Haram, and the conflicts it has experienced in the state of Nigeria, such as spiking violence that started in 2009, and the response by the Nigerian government to the obscure group. It also targets the extent to which the group poses challenges to the international community. Additionally, it will evaluate the likelihood of a peace process that both the Nigerian government and the militia group should consider in the country in order to foster for improved productivity of the country both politically and economically. Discussion Boko Haram Background Boko Haram Insurgency is regarded as having emerged from the northern state of Nigeria, which referred to as Borno. A number of experts associate the insurgency with the earlier interactions that the Islamic groups, which opposed the Nigerian state had with each other, but it is not associated with global notoriety that the organization practices today. These accounts relate Boko Haram with a small number of resistance groups that comprised of young men who started joining efforts from as early as the mid-1980s (Gow, et al., 2013). During this time, the group was being led by Abubakar Lawan. However, the leadership of the coherent group could not be identified until Mohammed Yusuf, who was a fascinating Nigerian cleric started to realize prominence among young people in Maiduguri, which served as the capital of Borno (Maurice & Kizito, 2013). This group, which was under the leadership of Yusuf was practicing a movement that was characterized by conservative theology, which imitated the Salafism style that had roots in Saudi Arabia. They opposed the secular state of Nigeria, since they regarded it as being un-Islamic and driven by corruption. As the group grew stronger, it started demanding significant political and economic reforms in Nigeria (Tom Dauria, 2014). These demands became extreme when the members started fostering for the adoption of Sharia law to the northern side of the country (Ajayi, 2012). The introduction of Islamic law in the 12 states in Nigeria that are situated in the northern region since 1999 were regarded as being insufficient by Yusuf together with his followers. They stipulated that the ruling class of the country was driven by corruption and that the Muslim leaders in the north were being tainted by Western practices (Ajayi, 2012). Most of the northern residents usually point these issues to Abuja, the capital of Nigeria, and Lagos, the base for economic power. The location of these two cities serves as vital reason as to why religious conflicts in the country have emerged (BBC, 2014). The two cities are situated in faraway locations, and they are deemed to be Christian territories. Today, most of the grievances that prevail in the country usually result from the inequalities that exist between the largely Christian south and the predominantly Muslim north (Krieger, et al., 2012). In addition, the policies that govern the country are ruthless towards the residents of the north eastern states. Also, the state is incapable of coping with the rule of law. Initially, the Boko Haram group that was led by Yusuf isolated from the mainstream Muslim community that lives in northeast Nigeria because they regarded the government as being un-Islamic and unfair to them. The small cabinet of leaders that are associated with the group built a mosque and a farm where they imposed a harsh form of sharia law. The group later developed its own unique police force (Krieger, et al., 2012). During this time, funding to the group used to come from two major sources. These comprised Yusuf families and his followers as well as donations from the wealthy Salafi, a group that Yusuf had met while taking a trip to Mecca. The core leadership of the sect was dominated by the sons of wealthy merchants who had come from Borno and other local politicians (Gow, et al., 2013). Theoretical Frameworks Supporting Boko Haram Islamic Fundamentalist Theory The goal of the religious riots that take place in northern Nigeria has been to facilitate for total Islamisation of the country through the Sharia law. This motive has been dated to the era of the Usman Dan Fodio Jihad. Research reveals that the aim of the Jihad of Usman Dan Fodio since 1804 has been to enhance Islamisation of Nigeria. This group aimed at making a heathen king who was supposed to be obligatory in terms of ascent (Ddujihe, 2014). Recent reports reveal that the Boko Haram insurgency believes in a verse in the Quran, which stipulates that a person who does not accept to be governed by Allah should be treated as being among the transgressors (Murdock, 2014). Based on a statement that was issued by Boko Haram in 2011, they revealed that their objective was to abolish the democratic movement and implement the sharia law, which allows them to fight for justice as well as facilitate in the Islamisation of Nigeria (Ddujihe, 2014). In 2009, a group of Muslim spokespeople stipulated that Boko Haram was contented in preaching Islamisation of Nigeria, though, in the following years, it started taking arms against the state because they believe that some unknown Muslim clerics, as well as northern ward heads, are conspiring with the government to attack them after the Maiduguri crisis that took place in July 2009 (Oladimeji, 2012). Before 2009, Boko Haram had requested the government to sue those police officers who had participated in extra judicial killings that resulted to the death of their forerunner Mohammed Yusuf. They also requested for the arrest as well as trial of some previous governors in Nigeria (Aro, 2013). However, as the government failed to respond to their pleas, they described this incident as an act of betrayal since they were serving as political thugs who were being directed by the governors from the north. In their desire to express their interest in the Islamisation of Nigeria, Boko Haram threatened President Jonathan to adopt Islam or resign from his seat (Okome, 2013). This kind of a message was treated as an extreme demand from a group of people who were feeling alienated in political terms, though they found it essential to turn things around by engaging in religious demands (Okome, 2013). For instance, they stipulated that when Prophet Mohammed went to medina at around 722 A.D., he met with both Christians and Jews, but he did not force them to accept their religion. Instead, he went ahead and administered judgment towards them based on their scriptures and faith. This should be the case with Nigeria (OECD, 2013). The Al-Shabaab/Al-Qaeda/Maghreb Connection In 2012, the United Nations revealed a report that connected Boko Haram insurgency with the Al Qaeda Islamic movement (AQIM) that was situated in the Maghreb region. Based on the report, some AQIM members from Chad and Nigeria were trained by the Al Qaeda in their camps in Mali in the year 2011. Studies reveal that Al Qaeda started moving its operations to Africa in 2006 (OECD, 2013). This move was highly appreciated since it was agreed that the Al Qaeda, as well as the holy brothers, had realized the significance of African regions in terms of undertaking military campaigns to get rid of crusaders (Sergie, 2014). Emir from Al Qaeda was also revealed to offer Boko Haram with appropriate training, weapons as well as other forms of support so as to expand its reach to the Sub-Saharan region. This move not only targeted strategic depth of the organization, but it also provided the Muslims in Nigeria with appropriate defense mechanisms that allowed them to stop the spread of minority crusaders (Sergie, 2014). In 2011, a form of synchronized coordination was witnessed between Somalia’s Al-Shabaab, AQIM and Boko Haram. It is these groups that were noted to embark on the suicide bombing initiatives, as well as linking with outside terrorists so as to serve as a potential threat to the US together with its allies. This served as an explanation to the suicide bombing that was carried out by Boko Haram at the United Nation’s House in Nigeria (Opeloye, 2012). The Almajiri Factor Earlier studies had offered warnings that the Almajiri education system could offer potential threats to the national security of Nigeria if efforts were not implemented to harmonize it with the basic education system. Most of the Almajiris are immigrants who came from neighboring nations such as Chad and Niger (Adenrele, 2012). The Almajiris are many to the extent that approximately 4,000 of such students are under the command of a single Muslim cleric. Therefore, when they march to the streets, they tend to appear like an army of thugs. The influx of Almajiris to Northern Nigeria was offered support by the more than 1,500 borders that Nigeria has with Chad and Niger, which are not secured (Opeloye, 2012). Additionally, research reveals that any child who is born as an Almajiri tends to become maladjusted for being imperiled to various forms of pressure, hunger, problems and odd jobs that exceed their age. Most of the Almajiris, who are on the streets today are hungry, dirty, thirsty and tend to cause traffic hazards since they hold calabashes in their hands to beg (Adenrele, 2012). It is because of this that the Almajiris have viewed themselves as being neglected, and thus leading them to result to violent actions by becoming suicide bombers for Boko Haram (ACLEDATA, 2013). Poverty Theory The population is the republic of Nigeria is approximately 160 million people. It also has around 350 ethnic groups that speak about 250 languages. Approximately 50 percent of them are Muslim, 40 percent Christians, while 10 percent represent the indigenous sects. A report by the Human Development Index in 2008 revealed that Nigeria ranks 158 out of 177 poor economies, regardless of her abundance natural as well as human resources, and is also rich in cultural endowment (ACLEDATA, 2013). With respect to a report by the International Fund for Agricultural Development in 2007, Nigeria was regarded as the 20th poorest country in the world despite its plentiful oil reserves. About 70 percent of Nigeria’s population is regarded as being poor, while 35 percent live in extreme poverty (NATO, 2013). The table below is an illustration in poverty measures in Nigeria based in terms of regions. Source: (Copeland, 2013) As noted from the table, it is true that poverty levels are high in those regions that are affected by Boko Haram. These include the North-Central, North-West and North-East regions of Nigeria. Operational Strategies and Activities of Boko Haram Almost every daily war that has been taking place in Northern Nigeria since 2009 is being orchestrated by Boko Haram. The wars that this group starts target mosques, churches, media houses, police and the military (Smith, 2014). Apart from using self-made or stolen explosives, imported ammunition and guns, Boko Haram have been noted to steal vehicles while pointing guns to their victims, which they later use engage in suicide bombings (Thomson, 2012). There are times when they opt to ride bicycles while carrying rifles when they attack law enforcement officials together with innocent citizens. The figure below is an illustration of Boko Haram’s insurgency timeline based on the tragic activities that they have engaged in since 2009 (Smith, 2014). Source: (Thomson, 2012) Recommendations The Nigeria’s federal government has implemented initiatives aimed at launching a Joint Task Force (JTF). It has done this by training approximately 300 policemen and soldiers abroad on the modern forms of combating terrorism. It is also devising strategies that can allow it to negotiate with Boko Haram, as well as seek for technical help from France, US, Britain, Germany, and Israel to ensure that future re-occurrences of Islamic insurgency do not occur (Nkechi, 2013). However, the idea of eliminating Islamic insurgence from Nigeria is out of the picture because of its re-occurrence after the Jihad of Usman Dan Fodio that took place in 1804. As a result, it is appropriate for Nigeria to consider the following options to help it in minimizing the impact of Islamic insurgency in Nigeria (Adenrele, 2012). Most comments that the political elites in northern Nigeria make are more political as opposed to being religious. Therefore, the government should implement measures that facilitate for the respect of the internal-democracy principle of the party as well as ensure that elections in the country are exercised freely and fairly (Alojo, 2013). It is crucial for Nigeria’s federal government to adopt stricter control of the country’s boarders for it to ensure that illegal immigrants do not find a way of coming into the county. In this case, Nigeria should institute a joint border patrol team between Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Benin and Cameroon republics by adopting high surveillance equipment such as satellites and helicopters (Alojo, 2013). Nigeria should adopt a program that would help it to alleviate poverty in the country, and in a manner that refrains from getting exposure to any forms of political interference. For instance, the government should adopt strategies aimed at linking Almajiri schools with Universal Basic Education programs and offer them institutions that are well furnished and which highly qualified teachers (Liolio, 2012). In the long-run, the Nigerian federal government should restructure each of the six geo-political regions to ensure that they control their own budget, and only contribute 10 percent of it so as to sustain the federal bodies (Liolio, 2012). Conclusion The paper has revealed that Boko Haram insurgency has played a crucial role in terms of destroying the socio-economic foundation of Nigeria. The origin of this insurgency is traced back in the 19th century. This was the time when Usman Dan Fodio Islamic extremism demanded for the institutionalization of sharia law for being subjected to significant economic injustice that resulted to widespread poverty and political ambition. Consequently, the Boko Haram insurgency has been driven by the need to eliminate the corrupt structures that are linked to the federal government. Therefore, any delays with respect to addressing the Boko Haran insurgency case will lead to catastrophic incidences since most of the major politicians in northern Nigeria are aggressive, and are awaiting to take advantage of the 2015 general elections. This will allow them to disjoint the country after engaging in both geo-political and religious sentiments, and thus, make the issue to spread beyond Nigeria to other countries in West Africa. Reference List ACLEDATA 2013, Armed Conflict Location & Event Dataset, viewed 22 March 2014, . Adenrele, R A 2012, Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria as a Symptom of Poverty and Political Alientation, Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, vol. 3, no. 5, pp. 21-25. Ajayi, A I 2012, Boko Haram and Terrorism in Nigeria: Exploratory and Explanatory Notes, Global Advanced Research Journal of History, Political Science and International Relations, vol. 1, no. 5, pp. 103-107. Aka, J O 2012, Great Presidents of Nigerian 4th Republic: Democratic Nigeria from 1999, Trafford Publishing, Lagos. Alojo, A 2013, Nigerias Troubled North: Interrogating the Drivers of Public Support for Boko Haram, ICCT, The Hague. Aro, O I 2013, Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: Its Implications and Way Forwards toward Avoidance of Future Insurgency. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, vol. 3, no. 11, pp. 2250-3153. Azikiwe, I 2013, Nigeria: Echoes of a Century, AuthorHouse, Abuja. BBC 2014, Nigerias Boko Haram attack Borno states Mafa town, viewed 22 March 2014, . Copeland, F., 2013. Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Lagos: CFC. Ddujihe, C 2014, Boko Haram: Its Wicked to Politicize Insurgency, viewed 22 March 2014, . Gow, J, Olonisakin, F & Dijxhoorn, E 2013, Militancy and Violence in West Africa: Religion, Politics and Radicalisation, Routledge, New York. Krieger, J, Murphy, C N & Crahan, M E 2012, The Oxford Companion to Comparative Politics, Oxford University Press, London. Liolio, S E 2012, Rethinking Counterinsurgency: A case Study of Boko Haram in Nigeria, viewed 22 March 2014, . Maurice, O U & Kizito, E U 2013 Niger Delta Militancy and Boko Haram Insurgency: National Security in Nigeria, Global Security Studies, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 1-11. Murdock, H 2014, Nigeria: Boko Haram Adds Heat to Nigeria 2015 Vote, viewed 22 March 2014, . NATO 2013, The Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria, viewed 22 March 2014, . Nkechi, A 2013, Boko Haram and National Security Challenges in Nigeria: Causes and Solutions, Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development, vol. 4, no. 5, pp. 2222-2855. OECD 2013, West African Studies Conflict over Resources and Terrorism Two Facets of Insecurity: Two Facets of Insecurity, OECD Publishing, Lagos. Okome, M O 2013, State Fragility, State Formation, and Human Security in Nigeria, Palgrave Macmillan, London. Oladimeji, A D, 2012, Boko Haram Insurgence in Nigeria: The Challenges and Lessons, Singaporean Journal of Business Economics and Management Studies, vol. 1, no. 4, pp. 1-12. Opeloye, M 2012, Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: A Critical Study of the Movements Ideological Posture and Implications, IPEDR, vol. 51, no. 38, pp. 172-180. Sergie, M A 2014, Boko Haram, viewed 22 March 2014, . Smith, D 2014, Nigeria falls into a state of war as Islamist insurgency rages, viewed 22 March 2014, . Thomson, V 2012, Boko Haram and Islamic Fundamentilism in Nigeria. Global Security Studies, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 46-57. Tom Dauria, T 2014, Within a Presumption of Godlessness, Archway Publishing, Lagos. Read More
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