Labour Movements in Germany - Essay Example

Candi Number: Module Labour Movements in Germany Due: Word Count: 2133 words Labour movements in Germany Why German Social Democratic Party (SPD) was before 1914 the Epitome of the Centralized, Ideological Coherent Socialist Party. Between the year, 1870 and 1914 socialism gained an unprecedented prominence in both Germany and Britain. This arose from fall in favour of capitalism during the enormous depression (1873-1896). The confidence of economic liberalism ideology associated with capitalism had suffered a heavy dent owing to economic woes in crucial sectors of the economy. This heralded the emergence of various types of socialism such as Reformist, Marxist, and Anarchist. The economic fluctuations witnessed during the 1870’s stirred debate on the feasibility of free market system. The economic depression had a weighty consequence on the philosophy of English Trade Unions, which led to adoption of an Anti-Capitalist stance. By then, Englishmen from all classes had grown to admire and respect established political institutions. They also had confidence on the existing liberal and conservative parties, which they thought were competent enough to bring about essential reforms on capitalism as well as other political and social problems (Lipset 1983, p.12). Thus, working class support of conventional political institutions and hope in further reform, demonstrates contrast between Britain and Germany. The latter emphasized pre-eminence of the political while in Britain trade unions organization was the principal focus (Linden 1988, p.307). The reformist policies undertaken in Britain in late 19th century, and early 20th century significantly contributed in assimilation of the workers into the National community, thus reducing resentment to existing political institutions. Whereas SPD was considered as a revolutionary threat, Labour party was not. Apart from economic woes, there were other factors that agitated for recruitment to socialist causes such as industrial expansion, which spurred growth and favoured intense concentration of capital and labour. Similarly, there was immense growth in numbers of urban workers coupled with mass literacy. Whereas economic factor was the overriding theme that heralded socialism in Britain, political factor can be considered to have been the prime motivation in Germany. Workers movement in Germany emerged in the 1840’s although they were limited to the artisans. However, with time, they coalesced to form workers association, which promoted socialist aims of redistribution of wealth and elimination of private property. However, divisions arose concerning how social change could be achieved in society. The contesting parties were torn in between revolution and alliance with the state (Linden 1988, p.307). Prior to 1914; the political parties of Germany did not show willingness or constitutional ability to take power. Much of the parties influence was anchored in pressuring the government through obstruction of legislations and interrogating of government’s on its executive actions. The foremost motivation of the political parties was sectional advantages. Social Democratic Party (SPD) represented socially defensive organizations. At initiation, SPD was split between non-Marxist and Marxist. Later on, the division was between Orthodox and Revisionist Marxist and eventually it adopted a modest, democratic, progressive approach to socialism. Its representation mainly featured politically conscious workers who were repressed by the state. The party, which was inaugurated in 1875, adopted revolutionary programme, dedicated to eradication of class rule (Nettl 1965, p.65). The party also affirmed its dedication of working within the existing system for short term reforms such as state sponsored education system, universal suffrage in all German states and social legislations that safeguarded the working conditions and health of workers. SPD from the onset considered itself an outcast in the political life in Imperial Germany and emphasized a parallel need to organize in a centralized, regimented mass party. Fuelled by dissatisfaction with the society, SPD used its presence such as the legislature and civil administration to launch a persisting and vocal condemnation of society. Its philosophy did not agitate for reforms but a total collapse of the prevailing order. The party was at awkward with the current dispensation that had enacted anti-socialist legislations. This was the chief cause of the party adopting pariah positions. SPD had an attitude toward the state can be considered to be vague since appealed to the state in practice but criticized it in theory. The party also had divisions on the basis of reform versus revolution (Meyer & Rutherford 2012, p.13). SPD had phenomenal effect on the political life of Germany built on a platform of unrelenting opposition. This made the party gain mass appeal. From the start, SDP distanced itself from the society by spotlighting philosophical and moral differences. It also pursued social containment of its members through organization. Its ideology of separation had strong moral implications. This ideology saw participation in the society as synonymous with corruption. The party claimed it could avail an enhanced substitute to the corrupt capitalism. Through self determination, SPD instituted organizational forms through which the activities and desires of the members could be articulated. SPD was troubled by the implications of policy in day to day life of the masses, particularly empirical problems accompanying the policies. Thus, it strived to find solutions in line with its philosophy. The sustenance of philosophy as well as its capability to deal with problems was the undertaking of SPD intellectuals. Hence SPD remained as the centralized ideological powerhouse as it could afford a persistent supply of Marxist ideology (Meyer & Rutherford 2012, p.15). SPD provided a platform in which debate over policy, tactics, theory, and strategy was alive. The significance of Marxist ideology was highlighted for both party policy as well as society. Amid the differentiation between socialist camp and the society, social scientist attempted to narrow the gap by influencing the society especially the government to meet the working classes half way. The intellectuals argued that the isolation of social democracy did not mainly hinge on policy, which can be altered, but on ideology and philosophy of separation. This could only be diffused through contact. Similarly, they also held that Socialist isolation stemmed from governments policies and attitudes. Explanations for Strength of the SPD before 1914 Prior to 1914, SPD was an enviable model for many Socialist parties in many countries owing to its success. SPD was by was then organizationally the biggest; electorally the most triumphant; and ideologically the most theoretical. The rise in strength of SPD can be attributed to increasing attraction to Marxism particularly among the working class. By then Marxism has distinguished itself as a body of knowledge that provided a classy analysis of capitalist development. The imposing character of Marxism saw its growth in appeal among the working class especially industrial workers. By then trade unionism was growing in tandem with growing industrial workforce (Meyer & Rutherford 2012, p.16). The composition of socialist parties was mainly former artisans, skilled workers, and members of leftist bourgeois intelligentsia. Thus, recruitment into class conscious parties became a success. SPD emerged as a model of Marxists. The popularity of SPD was also consolidated by circumstance. The Imperial state of Germany was hostile to politically conscious workers who used SPD as an avenue to express their dissatisfaction. Bismarck’s failure to integrate fully emerging working class movement into the Reich precipitated and reinforced SPD gains. Thus, SPD could boast of being political the representatives of the workers. The strength of SPD can be attributed to immense growth of Germany trade unions occasioned by a booming industry. SPD was popular because it embodied the interests of the workers and ordinary people who formed the bulk of its membership. Thus, it was widely trendy as many would identify with its cause. The strength of SPD can also be attributed to internationalism which had gathered storm across Europe. Effective nationalism of the party meant that it could yield influence cross-culturally. This was exhibited with its continuous triumph in elections. The strength of SPD can also be attributed to its ideology particularly its ability to come up with distinct theoretical explanations to problems that afflicted the society. This made the party attract a large following as the masses could identify with its cause. Despite occasional ideological heterogeneity based on whether to choose trade unionism or political action, SPD still thrived. This is because it was grounded in basic tenets of Marxism (Nettl 1965, p.68). This was boosted by its periodicals, which were the mouthpiece of the party. It was, therefore, easy to diffuse its propaganda. Similarly, the strength of SPD can be credited to building up of a socialist milieu that is receptive to the desires and ambitions of its members. It is founding of numerous ancillary organizations such as youth groups and leisure organizations also heighten its strength. SPD ability to win political and emotional faithfulness of millions of Germanys can be attributed to dogmatism in its theorizing and demands for ideological superiority in Europe. SPD advocated for revolution but made no effort towards the realization of this end. The main focus of the party was on the structuring of its organization and would never risk anything that might imperil its organization empire. The party was cautionary for fear of repression from the masses and avoided confrontation at all costs with the enemy. The party in turn advocated for internal solidarity. Importance of Bismarcks Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878 in Shaping the Development of SDP Bismarck disliked democrats and socialists but most of all Marxists (Lipset 1983, p.14). With the unification of Social Democrats and their associated positive spirit, Bismarck embarked on a chain of attacks on the Social Democrats and Socialists. Bismarck perceived internationalism and socialist belief in class conflict as a threat to harmony and stability of the Reich. Bismarck ideals lay in a society in which peasants would accord respect and reverence to the monarchy, army, and Junker aristocracy. Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878 denied socialists the right to hold meetings, to publish periodicals such as newspapers or even to uphold party organization. The legislation halted much of social-democratic activity in widespread areas. Since then, it was difficult for trade unions, consumer cooperatives, and education societies to exercise their activities freely. The only opening that was left available to social-democrats was the election to the Reichstag (Lipset 1983, p.9). Even in the Reichstag, the activity of Social democrats was also curtailed. Many SDP fringe supporters were frightened of abiding to their membership. As a result, SPD can be considered to have been an outlawed party whereby its followers were persecuted by being put in police surveillance; its leaders were detained and sometimes deported to other countries. The attacks diluted the moderates’ hopes if SPD had any chance of playing a constructive function in the political life of the new Reich. SPD reaction to Anti-Socialist laws was not forceful. The party leaders strived to amend to the conditions heralded by the Anti-Socialist laws hoping that they would be revoked. Consequently, SPD was able to rally support and organize some resistance. Anti-Socialist laws brought to the fore confusion that was prevalent among the masses (Whitfield & Whitfield 2000, p.75). Hence, Anti-Socialist gave SDP a golden chance to clarify their policies. During this time, SPD made the decision to reject anarchist and terrorists, who were expelled from the party in 1889. Anti-Socialist laws played an incredible role in commanding cohesiveness on otherwise mixed movement. As a complete surprise, Social Democrats, regardless of a temporary setback suffered early 1880, gained successive victories at polls. These developments were a blessing in disguise as they brought substantial tidings to the SPD. This is because the illiberal policies of Bismarck had the potential of rallying class cooperation. The restriction of trade union activity arising from Anti-Socialist laws of 1887 was disliked by workers. This boosted the fortunes of SPD, as it was easier to convince affiliated trade unions that the government was not committed to their aspirations. Thus, the workers viewed SPD as their only genuine friend. The prevailing hostilities to Socialists gave SPD a chance to reconstitute itself and rewrite its program (Lipset 1983, p.13). SPD was able to assume an explicitly Marxist tone. The new stance contrasted the previous subtle resistance to Marxism associated with moderates in the SPD. The revival of trade unionism endeared the party to the masses. The resultant preamble expounded on topical themes such as unavoidable concentration of heavy industry, expansion of control production, increase in the proletariat in the labour force, class conflict, and eventual declaration of capitalist contradictions via socialism and demise of class society. In conclusion, SPD can be said to owe its survival to Anti-Socialism laws because they provided an opportune platform for the party to refine itself. Bismarck’s attempt to wean German workers from socialism was hugely unsuccessful. His introduced reforms such as welfare programs such as health insurance could not deter the workers from remaining in allegiance to SPD. This is because, by then, the workers had already adopted a revolutionary ideology, which was difficult shake off. Since SPD was a victim of the Anti-Socialist laws, the repression legitimized its agitation and ideologies on class warfare. Bibliography Linden, M. (1988). The national integration of European working classes (1871-1914): Exploring the causal configuration, International Review of Social History, 33(1). pp. 285-311. Lipset, M. (1983). Radicalism or Reformist: The sources of working –class politics, The American Political Science Review, 77(1). pp.1-18. Meyer, H. & Rutherford, J. (2012). The future of European social democracy: Building the good society, New York, Palgrave Macmillan. pp.13-16. Nettl, P. (1965). The German Social Democratic Party 1890-1914 as a political model, A Review of Past and Present, 30(1). pp.65-95. Whitfield, B. & Whitfield, R. (2000). Germany, 1848-1914, Oxford, Heinemann. pp.69-75. Read More