Is Taiwan a Country - Research Paper Example

Is Taiwan a Country? There are several criteria to determine whether a place is an independent country or not. Lets start with what defines a or an independent country. An independent State: Has space or territory which has internationally recognized boundaries (boundary disputes are OK). Has people who live there on an ongoing basis. Has economic activity and an organized economy. A country regulates foreign and domestic trade and issues money. Has the power of social engineering, such as education. Has a transportation system for moving goods and people. Has a government which provides public services and police power. Has sovereignty. No other State should have power over the countrys territory. Has external recognition. A country has been "voted into the club" by other countries (Rosenberg, 2006a). Introduction Taiwan is an island in East Asia. The term "Taiwan" is also generally used to collectively refer to the territories governed by the state officially known as the Republic of China (ROC). This include the island of Taiwan, Lanyu (Orchid Island) and Green Island in the Pacific off the Taiwan coast, the Pescadores in the Taiwan Strait, and Kinmen and Matsu off the southeastern coast of the Peoples Republic of China. Taiwan is a medium-sized archipelago in East Asia, located at 23°30N, 121°00E and running through the middle of the Tropic of Cancer (23°5N). It is located 150km (95 miles) off mainland China. Taiwan Island is separated from mainland China by the Taiwan Strait and borders the South China Sea and Philippine Sea to the south, the East China Sea in the north, and the Pacific Ocean in the west (Wikipedia, 2006a). The perennial debate over “independence” versus “unification” in Taiwan is a case in point. This paper discusses some facts with respect to the question whether Taiwan is an independent country or not. Though Taiwan has a distinct boundary of its own, the United States and most other significant nations recognize one China and thus include the boundaries of Taiwan as being part of the boundaries of China (Rosenberg, 2006b) People of Taiwan and socioeconomic status Taiwan is home to almost 23 million people, making it the 48th largest "county" in the world, with a population slightly smaller than North Korea but larger than Romania (Rosenberg, 2006b). Over the past few decades, the average age of Taiwan’s population has increased by 1.8 percent. Population is one of the criteria for independent country and since people live in Taiwan on an ongoing basis satisfies this criteria. Education is compulsory and Taiwan has more than 150 institutions of higher learning. Taiwan is home to the Palace Museum, which houses over 650,000 pieces of Chinese bronze, jade, calligraphy, painting, and porcelain. Economy In the past few decades Taiwan is recognized as a growing economy. It has become one of the newly industrialized countries (NICs). In 1983 the GNP of the country approached US$50 billion and its per capita income reached US$2,444. Taiwan is one of the top 15 trading nations. Taiwan has gained in terms of its economy but has substantially waned in terms of its international status (Weng, 1984). Besides, Taiwan is an economic powerhouse - its one of the four economic tigers of Southeast Asia (They have included South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong.). Its GDP per capita is among the top 30 of the world. Taiwan has its own currency, the new Taiwan dollar (Rosenberg, 2006b). Taiwan has a dynamic capitalist economy with gradually decreasing guidance of investment and foreign trade by the government. In keeping with this trend, some large government-owned banks and industrial firms are being privatized. Real growth in GDP has averaged about 8% during the past three decades. Exports have grown even faster and have provided the primary impetus for industrialization. Inflation and unemployment are low; the trade surplus is substantial; and foreign reserves are the worlds third largest. Agriculture contributes 3% to GDP, down from 35% in 1952. Traditional labor-intensive industries are steadily being moved off-shore and replaced with more capital- and technology-intensive industries. Taiwan has become a major investor in the Peoples Republic of China, Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Vietnam. The tightening of labour markets has led to an influx of foreign workers, both legal and illegal. Because of its conservative financial approach and its entrepreneurial strengths, Taiwan suffered little compared with many of its neighbours from the Asian financial crisis in 1998-1999. Foreign trade has been the engine of Taiwans rapid growth during the past 40 years. Taiwans economy remains export-oriented, so it depends on an open world trade regime and remains vulnerable to downturns in the world economy. The total value of trade increased more than five-fold in the 1960s, nearly 10-fold in the 1970s, and doubled again in the 1980s. The 1990s saw a more modest, slightly less than two-fold, growth. Export composition changed from predominantly agricultural commodities to industrial goods (now 98%). The electronics sector is Taiwans most important industrial export sector and is the largest recipient of U.S. investment. Taiwan became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu" in January 2002. In addition to the WTO, Taiwan is a member of the Asian Development Bank as "Taipei, China" and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum as "Chinese Taipei". These developments reflect Taiwans economic importance and its desire to become further integrated into the global economy (Wikipedia, 2006b). Taiwan has the potential for further economic growth which is evident from the current trend of economic growth. Independent status can further help economic growth in Taiwan through global recognition. A brief history As we explore the independent status of Taiwan, it is very important to understand the history of this region. Taiwan, including the Pescadores, was ceded by China to Japan in 1895. Japan surrendered it in 1945 at the end of World War II after 50 years of colonial rule, and it became a province of the Republic of China (ROC). Upon losing the Chinese civil war in 1949, the ROC government was relocated to Taipei, and kept control over a few islands along the coast of mainland China and in the South China Sea, while the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) was established on the mainland in October 1949, which claimed to be a successor to the ROC. Following the Communist victory, Taiwan developed into its modern situation on the Mainland in 1949. During this time two million Chinese Nationalists fled to Taiwan and established a government for all of China on the island. From 1949 until 1971, Taiwan was recognized as "China" in the United Nations. Mainland Chinas position on Taiwan is that there is only one China and that Taiwan is part of China. On the other hand Taiwan claims independence as a distinct State. Globalization has changed the world drastically. This pace of change accelerated considerably in the aftermath of World War II, and then again after the end of the Cold War. After World War II, Taiwan went from Japanese colony to a one-party authoritarian state or in other words dictatorship under the Nationalist (KMT) Party. After the Cold War, Taiwan finished its transformation from one-party rule to competitive multi-party democracy. These changes naturally affected the nature of Taiwans relationship with the Mainland. Taiwans relationship as a colony with the Mainland was insignificant, except for whatever role it may have played in Japanese imperialist designs. Under the Chiang dynasty – most of the Cold War – Taiwans relations with the Mainland were militant and hostile. However, both Chiangs did have a clear objective in dealing with the Mainland that is retake the Motherland and restore KMT rule over all of China. Taiwans relationship with the Mainland has dramatically changed, since the end of the Cold War, under President Lee. Besides, objectives in dealing with the Mainland have also changed. Taiwans posture towards the Mainland is not militant, but defensive; and its objective is no longer unification under KMT rule, but peaceful co-existence. Mainland Chinas policy towards Taiwan, or more distinctively the policy of the Communist Party, has not changed in the past 50 years. It remains militant and treats Taiwan as if it still needs to be “liberated” from foreign control. It swings between periods of hot and cold tension, but its objective remains the same: bring Taiwan under PRC control (Yates, N.D.). Current political issues In the past decades ‘one China’ principle has emerged between China and Taiwan. However, Taiwan considers not only that it is a separate political entity but an independent sovereign country. China for its part remains absolutely unwilling to compromise its position that Taiwan and the mainland are part of one country, and has not renounced the use of force as a means of making that principle a reality. However, there are several organizations worldwide such as the United Nations, who is not willing to recognize Taiwan as an independent nation. For instance, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has stated that Taiwans application for UN membership goes against the UNs One China Policy. A second point is that UN Resolution 2758, which was passed on October 25, 1971, only acknowledged the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) as the legitimate representative of China, restored its membership in the UN, and expelled the Republic of China (ROC) representatives from the UN and its subsidiary organizations. That is, the resolution only determined who was to be the legal representative of China. It did not specify the status of Taiwan (Lai I-chung, 2004a). The One China Policy has become the key barrier blocking Taiwans international participation. Besides it has been a main obstacle in the economic growth of Taiwan. If Taiwan continues to be excluded from international participation in this era of globalization, Taiwans sustainable existence and democratic development will be seriously challenged. The idea of one China has little viability in democratic Taiwan. That is, without the consent of Taiwans people through a democratic process, no leader of Taiwan has the right to accept the one China ideology on behalf of the country. Today, Taiwan seeks international participation not just to demonstrate its international dignity, but for survival. Taiwan has come to a point where there are no more options. Faced with this survival crisis, Taiwan needs to deal with the One China Policy. Taiwans participation in international organizations is no longer just a demonstration of its sovereignty, but for survival. The greatest hindrance to Taiwans participation is still the One China Policy. Is having a One China Policy the norm for most international organizations and countries? What are the implications of an international organization’s having a One China Policy? According to Professor Lee Ming-juns, many international organizations including the UN have not decided on Taiwans legal status; they are not of the opinion that Taiwan should be handed over to China. The UN let the PRC replace the ROC, but made clear that its decision did not mean that the PRC represents Taiwan in the UN. In fact, the PRC did not take part in many of UN organizations in accordance with its One China Principle, let alone other non-UN organizations (Lai I-chung, 2004b). International Crisis Group documented the evolution of the positions of Taiwan, China, the U.S. and other international players on the issue of Taiwans international status. It concluded that the old one China idea which had for so long provided a framework for peace is now at the point of final fragmentation. Taiwan continues to challenge it, and domestic political imperatives suggest this challenge will continue. China has clearly said that this challenge could lead to war, but is hoping that its strategy of carrots and sticks, supported by occasional demonstrations of its military power, can persuade Taiwan to sign up once again to the ‘one China’ idea without the need for use of force. China depends on the military threat as part of a broader political approach. Doe to the international pressures, China has signalled its willingness for the two sides to move forward in cooperative moves on existing areas of policy without Taiwan’s total surrender on the issue of its status. It is marching toward treating Taiwan as an equal, at least in negotiating terms if not in formal legal terms. This position is reflected in China’s formulation, now a couple of years old, that the ‘mainland and Taiwan are parts of one China’, a phrase intended to step back from China’s earlier position that Taiwan is a province of China. The intensifying cooperation across the Taiwan Strait is likely to satisfy China’s demand, first laid down in the year 2000, that Taiwan make visible progress to meeting China’s position. By doing so China wants to give the impression that it is no longer proceeding on the view that it should be the dominant partner. Since becoming President in May 2000, Chen Shui-bian has shown his willingness to work sensibly with China by avoiding highly confrontational political acts such as conducting an independence-related referendum or changing the Constitution to create a ‘Republic of Taiwan’, and giving some attention to the as yet undefined concept of political integration with China. In the past year or so, both sides have shown new determination to find some common ground and have achieved concrete results: movement on direct transport links, and the opening at the WTO in Geneva in December 2002 of the first ever talks at officials’ level. Chen Shui-bian Administration has been positioning itself on these specific issues of cross-Strait cooperation in a way that is responsive to his perception of the ebb and flow of domestic politics. In particular, the 2004 presidential election will provide a lightning rod for possible dramatic changes in Taiwan’s relations with China. On the one hand, Chen will be anxious to show that he can deliver stable and economically productive relations with China while not abandoning DPP core positions on Taiwan’s status and not sacrificing Taiwan’s long-term economic viability through hollowing out of manufacturing industry. Chen may well be saving his biggest concessions on direct links with China and a reopening of talks with China until the period just before the election. On the other hand, if Chen looks like losing to a joint KMT-PFP ticket in the next election, he may well play the Taiwan independence card – as Lee did in 1999 with his ‘special state to state relationship’ statement – in a way to provoke China. His aim would be to present himself to Taiwan voters as the only true protector of Taiwan’s independent status in the face of a bullying China. Either way, domestic politics in Taiwan will dictate that Taiwan’s concessions on issues like direct links will need to be accompanied by a continuing vigorous push by it for enhanced participation in international affairs. The international community has a role to play. Major powers should explore the scope for the expansion of Taiwan’s membership in a variety of international organisations in ways that do not go to the heart of Taiwan’s claimed status as a state. There appears to be plenty of scope for this, and a the process of bargaining on Taiwan’s membership of these organisations where statehood is not an essential requirement for membership, or its participation in those organisations where it is, will provide an important outlet for ‘status sentiment’ that is not destabilising. [9] Conclusion Taiwan independence is a political movement whose goal is primarily to create a de jure independent and sovereign Republic of Taiwan (out of the lands currently administered by the Republic of China) that its supporters consider to be politically, culturally, and geographically separate from China. This movement is supported by the Pan-Green Coalition on Taiwan and opposed to different degrees by the Pan-Blue Coalition and the Peoples Republic of China, which favor Chinese reunification. The movement is internationally significant because a formal declaration of independence could lead to a military confrontation not only between the Peoples Republic of China and Taiwan, but could also draw in other regional powers such as the United States, Japan, and Russia. The official opinion of the Peoples Republic of China has always been against Taiwan independence, and it has stated that a formal declaration of Taiwan independence will trigger military intervention. They often state that independence is wanted by only a small group, which is trying to brainwash others into thinking the same thing. Most people on the mainland would have a similar view although no reliable study has been made in the academia as to whether people suggesting unification is in the majority or not. What is clear though is written in the 2000 White Paper that Chinese government does not believe the 22 million people of Taiwan have the power to unilaterally declare independence through a referendum or otherwise, and that eventual unification is the only option. The view that the status quo is sovereign self-rule enjoys near universal support within Taiwan. An overwhelming majority of Taiwanese and virtually all political parties would agree that the Republic of China is a sovereign state (they do disagree bitterly on such details as territory, name, future policies and history though), and a smaller percentage would support the view that China is a hostile, enemy nation. When the two-states policy was put forward by President Lee Teng-hui, he received 80 percent support. Similar situations arose when President Chen Shui-bian declared that there was "one country on each side" of the Taiwan Strait. However, the Pan-Blue Coalition and the Peoples Republic of China believe that Lee and Chen intend on publicly promoting a moderate form of Taiwan independence in order to secretly advance deeper forms of Taiwan independence, and that they intend to use popular support on Taiwan for political separation to advance notions of cultural and economic separation. At the same time, polls indicate that most Taiwanese do not think that Taiwanese culture is or should be separate from Chinese culture, and efforts to remove the symbols of "China" can provoke very strong reactions from some sectors of society. Some elements of the Taiwanese society would even consider Taiwan to be the "true heir" to Chinese culture considering the degradation and rejection conducted during the Cultural Revolution, and the adoption of Simplified Chinese on the mainland. In addition, many sectors of society, especially the business community, are wary of the efforts to reduce trade with mainland China. In more recent years, with the existence of democratic and direct elections, the focus of the movement has changed to that of insuring the independence and dignity of Taiwan against the possibility of rule by the Peoples Republic of China, and as such has been more willing to take on the symbols of the Republic of China. The movement has also moderated in recent years because of decreasing friction between "Mainlander" and "native" communities on Taiwan, increasing economic ties with mainland China, continuing threats by the Peoples Republic of China to invade if it declares independence, and doubts as to whether or not the United States would support a unilateral declaration of independence. Since the late 1990s, many supporters of Taiwan independence have argued that since Taiwan, as the ROC, is already independent from the mainland, a formal declaration of that fact is not urgent, and in 1998, the Democratic Progressive Party formalized this position in its party resolution. During Chinese President Hu Jintaos visit to the United States on 20th April 2006, US President George W. Bush reaffirmed to the world that the U.S. would uphold its "one China" policy. Bibliography Lai I-chung, (2004a). Analysis of the United Nations One China Resolution. [online]. Available from: [Accessed 4 September 2006] Lai I-chung, (2004b) Preparing for Effective Handling of the One China Policy. Taiwan Daily, "International Scene Column". One China Policy Review Series – No. 5, International Organizations and the One China Issue. Rosenberg, M. (2006a) Country, State, and Nation: Definining an Independent Country. [online]. About, Inc., Available from: [Accessed 4 September 2006] Rosenberg, M. (2006b) Is Taiwan a Country? [online]. About, Inc., Available from: [Accessed 6 September 2006] Weng, B.S.J. (1984) Taiwan’s International Status Today. The China Quarterly, No. 99. (Sept. 1984) pp. 462-480. Wikipedia, (2006a) Geography of Taiwan, [online]. Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. Available from: [Accessed 6 September 2006] Wikipedia, (2006b) Economy of Taiwan. [online]. Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. Available from: [Accessed 3 September 2006] Yates, S.J. (N.D) Toward a Cross-Strait Relationship that Promotes Peace, Prosperity, and Freedom on Both Sides. [Online]. Available from: Read More