Youth and Problem Gambling in Australia - Essay Example

?RUNNING HEAD: CLUB AND GAMING MANAGEMENT Youth and Problem Gambling in Australia For a country with a comparatively low population rate,Australia today commands the highest gambling rate in the world with 80% of its adults into gambling (Bryant 2010). Gambling in Australia began with horse racing, the first legal gambling in the country, publicly organised in New South Wales in 1810. In 1861, the state of Victoria organised the first Melbourne Cup whilst lotteries were first held in the early 20th century upon the introduction of the Golden Casket Lottery in Queensland. Gaming machines came into the picture in the mid-1900s in New South Wales clubs and in 1973, the Wrest Point Casino began operation in Tasmania, immediately followed by the opening of MGM Grand Darwin (renamed subsequently as Sky City Casino) in 1979 (Fabiansson 2010, p. 9). It was, however, in the mid-1990s that gambling really burgeoned and youth and problem gambling began to emerge. The introduction of electronic gaming machines (EGMs) into hotels and casinos in the 1990s, previously declared illegal in hotels, jumpstarted gambling as a growth industry in Australia, alongside the emergence of big casinos all over the country. The modern EGM functions in a more sophisticated manner that the old ones did not giving players faster opportunity to earn money – or lose it. Gaming machines, the favourite gambling instrument of people from the lower middle to lower socio-economic classes (Fabiansson 2010, pp. 79-82), proliferate in Australia constituting a fifth of the world’s total number (Bryant 2010). Surveys reveal that gaming machine gambling constitutes the highest turnover compared to other gambling forms (Fabiansson 82). On the other hand, gigantic casinos started to become part of the Australian landscape: Star City in Sydney, the size of which is comparable to seven football fields; Conrad Treasury Casino in Brisbane, with its Monte Carlo heritage type of structure, and; Crown Entertainment Complex in Melbourne, which brings about 12 million patrons a year and one of the world’s biggest (Bryant 2010). I Youth and Problem Gambling in Australia A. Youth Gambling In Australia, gambling is a popular and accepted form of pastime and is considered well-entrenched in the Australian culture. Gambling is so prevalent that in 1993 alone, Australians spent 6 billion dollars, more or less, on lotteries, horse racing, gaming and other forms of gambling. Most states not only tolerate it, but profits from shares of revenues of these gambling outfits. Gambling’s wide acceptance in the Australian culture and its availability encourage youth gambling (Moore & Ohtsuka 2002, pp. 429-430). Moreover, high gaming and wagering opportunities mostly account for youth gambling in Australia. These opportunities take the form of EGMs that can be found in hotels and clubs in most states except in Western Australia, casinos, and games of chance like X-lotto, Tattslotto, Powerball, Keno, scratch-tickets and Bingo, some of which are sponsored by state governments. In addition, advances in technology open another opportunities for youth participation in gambling and wagering. These new technologies include the internet and mobile telephony. On the other hand, some events that provide gambling and wagering opportunities, such as such as sports bar, specifically target the youth as its niche market (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies 2003, p. 1). In 2000, a study was made on 505 Australian youths aged 15 to 17. It was found that 60% of these youth gambled periodically, with 3.5% of them characterised as problem gamblers. On the whole, the study revealed that they had a predilection towards gambling as evinced by their attitude towards gambling, intention to gamble and actual participation. A positive attitude towards gambling was influenced by family, society and peers whilst frequent gambling was associated with parental and peer gambling. It was also revealed that youths whose parents taught them the value of money (budgeting and saving) were less likely to take to gambling (Kool & Agrawal 2006, p. 141). Data on Australian under-aged (below 18) group gambling is not as extensive as data on adult gambling and the possible reason for this is that in Australia, limitation as to age in gambling is strictly enforced. The only form of gambling legally available to this age group are lottery products such as Cross-Lotto, Keno and scratch tickets and private activities such as card games as opposed to countries like the United Kingdom where slot machines in amusement arcades are available and are within the reach of such age group. In Australia, gambling activities are often available only in licensed venues such as casinos, hotels and clubs (Delfabbro & LeCouteur 2003, p. 21). There have been disturbing developments in this area, however, in the past few years with surveys showing that younger people, between the ages of 18 and 30, now figure significantly higher in problem gambling related surveys, which has led researchers to suspect that gambling, for this people, must have begun at a much earlier age. True enough, subsequent studies in North America and at home, revealed that the crucial age for problem gamblers is most often pegged at the age of ten. The Productivity Commission, for example, discovered that 35% of the male problem gamblers that sought help in 1999 began gambling between the ages of 11 and 17 and data on female problem gamblers also revealed the same. Moreover, although laws on age limits in gambling are strictly enforced, this does not take into account minors coursing gambling through adult relatives. This is true as well in internet gambling, private gambling sessions with peers, or gambling through telephone with the use of credit cards. Also, sports and other games, such as billiards and pools, can be made subject to betting activities. Finally, a cause of concern for authorities is the evident link between youth gambling and other risk-taking activities such as substance abuse, alcoholism and worse, petty criminality (Delfabbro & LeCouteur 2003, pp. 21-24) B. Problem Gambling In the Australian context, problem gambling is defined in terms of harm rather than its underlying pathological causes such as being used in North America. Thus, Dickerson et al’s primary harm-based definition is more favoured in this jurisdiction: “Problem gambling refers to the situation when a person’s gambling activity gives rise to the individual player, and/or his or her family, and may extend into the community” (cited South Australian Centre for Economic Studies 2005 vii). Put another way, problem gambling results in harm to a person or to those around him (partner, family and friends) because he spends more time and money on it than he can actually afford and this in turn has affected his life and his relationship with those around him. Problem gambling can have grave consequences on a person’s health and finances, relationship, work or study. Although there is a small number of Australians suffering from problem gambling, it has a ripple effect and thus, affect considerably more number of people closely connected to the person with problem gambling. In Australia, 290,000 persons have been identified as suffering from problem gambling but the actual affected persons go as high as 2 million (cited Government of South Australia). In Australia, problem gambling is measured by any of the following instruments: DSM Classification; South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS); The Victorian Gambling Screen (VGS), and; The Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI). The latest DSM classification leaned towards more on pathological behaviour and thus, results in lower incidences of problem gambling. On the other hand, SOGS is the most widely used and focuses on three factors: consequences; money borrowing, and; attitudes and behaviour. VGS originated in Australia and places emphasis on “harm to self” whilst CPGI finds similarity to the SOGS instrumentation (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies 2005 xi-xiii). Table 1 and 2 represent measurements of problem gamblers in 1997-1998 by SOGS and in 2001-2007 by CPGI, respectively. Source is the Australasian Gaming Council Factsheet 2008. Table 1 Problem Gamblers in Table 2 Problem Gamblers in Australia by SOGS (1997-98) Australia by CPGI (2000-07) In Australian as well as foreign studies, the typical problem gambler profile is male, aged below 30 years old, single, and has engaged in gambling earlier than those who do not belong to the problem gambling category. In addition, the problem gambler is oftentimes non-Caucasian, jobless and with low educational attainment. In New Zealand, for example, Maori ethnic group members were found to be more prone to problem gambling and in North America aboriginals were also found to be susceptible to problem gambling. There is uncertainty, however, if a parallelism can be drawn between these ethnic groups and the Australian aboriginals at home. In another study of Australian and New Zealand surveys, gender and age figured in specific types of gambling activities and problem gambling. Thus, young men are most likely to be drawn and develop problem gambling in such activities as casino games, keno, sports betting and racing whilst older people are drawn towards lotteries, bingo and instant lotteries. The likelihood of developing problem gambling in the latter is negligible because they are comparatively smaller activities and are non-continuous. The reason why women and the elderly are less drawn to activities that are prone to problem gambling are due to a combination of factors such as venue, costs of games, interests and experience (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies 2005, p. 34). A link between gaming machines, track betting and casino gambling and SOGS-R diagnostic findings of problem gambling was detected in another study. In this instance, adolescents and women seem to be the ‘victims’ and are prone to develop problem gambling. Significant underpinning elements in such games are their continuity and the shorter intervals between initial play and result and between one play and the next. These features are apparent in electronic gaming machines or EGM, racing, keno and casino games, with EGM as the likeliest to encourage and develop problem gaming. The availability of EGMs all over Australian states is believed to represent the most single factor that has led to problem gambling in general and the increase of women as problem gamblers in particular, although there is still a wide gender gap involved in problem gambling except in the states of Victoria, Queensland and South Australia (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies 2005, pp. 34-35). The inclination of Australian aboriginals towards problem gambling, unlike in the US and other parts of the world, has not been conclusively defined because of lack of data. However, in an interview conducted in NSW of aborigines living in the cities showed that this particular indigenous group has a high likelihood of falling into the problem gambling quagmire considering their expressed preference for continuous type of gambling forms. This observation, however, is not backed up by actual data showing this indigenous group having a comparative high rate of problem gambling than other groups. An opposing result was gathered in a South Australian Department of Human Services study where aborigines were actually found to prefer non-continuous gambling activities least connected to problem gambling. Thus, even after the introduction of EGMs in South Australia, ATSI men continued to favour TAB gambling and ATSI women bingo, lotteries and scratch tickets. Over at Darwin Casino, as many as aboriginal women were seen as aboriginal men over a two-week period of observation, most of whom played poker machines. In Queensland, indigenous people were more active in continuous gambling form and spent more in gambling than the rest of the population (South Australian Centre for Economic Studies 2005, p. 35). Gambling is well-entrenched in the Australian culture, but gambling really flourished in the 1990s with the introduction of modern EGMs and the proliferation of huge casinos all over the country. Gambling is now considered a growth industry in Australia bringing revenues not only to private operators but to the government as well. The downside, however, to this growth industry are the twin problems of youth and problem gambling that are now slowly emerging in the horizon. Although problem gambling affects only a negligible number of persons, its dispersive nature logically involves more persons than the problem gamblers themselves. On the other hand, youth gambling is closely linked to problem gambling because studies have indicated that most problem gamblers belong to the 18 to 30 age groups, which naturally leads one to conclude that for these people, gambling must have started at a really young age. Studies, which have pegged the crucial age at, as young as, ten, have confirmed this theory. Youth gambling is closely linked to familial, societal and peer influences. References: (2008) “Factsheet: Problem Gambling in Australia,” Australasian Gaming Council. Retrieved from http://www.austgamingcouncil.org.au/images/pdf/Fact_Sheets/agc_fs18pginaust.pdf. Bryant, N. (30 January 2007) “Australia in Thrall of Gambling Mania,” BBC News. Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/6313083.stm. Delfabbro, P. & LeCouteur, A. (November 2003) A Decade of Gambling Research In Australia And New Zealand (1992-2002): Implications For Policy, Regulation And Harm Minimisation. The University of Adelaide. http://www.iga.sa.gov.au/pdf/iga/6-LiteratureReview-final-print.pdf. Fabiansson, C. Pathways to Excessive Gambling: A Societal Perspective on Youth and Adult Gambling Pursuits. England: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2010. Government of South Australia. (January 2011) Gambling: What is Problem Gambling? http://www.problemgambling.sa.gov.au/aspx/what_is_problem_gambling.aspx. Kool, V.K. & Agrawak, R. (2006) Applied Social Psychology: A Global Perspective. Atlantic Publishers & Distributors. McLennan, W. (2001) 2000 Year Book Australia No. 82. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Moore, S. & Ohtsuka, K. (2002). “Gambling Activities of Young Australians,” The Downside: Problem and Pathological Gambling by Marotta, Jeffrey & Cornelius, Judy & Eadington, William. University of Nevada Press. Problem Gambling and Harm: Towards a National Definition http://www.gamblingresearch.org.au/CA256902000FE154/Lookup/GRA_Reports_Files1/$file/NatDefs_ExecSum.pdf. South Australian Centre for Economic Studies. (November 2005) Problem Gambling and Harm: Towards a National Definition. The Ministerial Council on Gambling. http://www.adelaide.edu.au/saces/gambling/publications/ProblemGamblingAndHarmTowardNationalDefinition.pdf. South Australian Centre for Economic Studies. (December 2003) Measurement of Prevalence of Youth Problem Gambling In Australia: Report on Review of Literature. The Department of Family and Community Services. http://www.fahcsia.gov.au/sa/gamblingdrugs/pubs/youth_gambling/Documents/PrevalenceStudiesFinalReport.pdf. Read More