Australian Aboriginal Music and the Didjeridu - Research Paper Example

? Australian Aboriginal Music and the Didjeridu Aboriginal Music People have close relations with their culture and it is almost unchangeable, especially when it is binding. People respect and adore their culture to greater heights and they maintain a connection with virtually everything that is connected to their culture. This includes cultural practices, of which music is a vital part. Many cultural groups across the globe have to keep their music alive by using their original musical instruments whenever an occasion arises (Atherton 12). This has made it impossible for such cultural groups to develop their Aboriginal musical instruments. These instruments date back to decades and centuries yet they are still in use. Cultural groups ensure they forward the cultural instruments to the new generation, and this explains why cultural instruments and music are still alive in the world. Despite the fact that technology has had dire effects on the generation of cultural music, most cultural groups still maintain a strong interest. As such, musical instruments still exist in these cultural groups to date. However, some instruments go through change and other modifications to suit the current generation. Apparently, the modifications could change the musical instruments but they still exist in their musical compositions. A perfect example is the Aboriginal music culture in Australia (Atherton 27) Music is not only a powerful feature of Aboriginal culture, but also a part of their everyday life and an important part of sacred events. Traditional music is still performed and practiced widely, and there is also a very lively and strong contemporary music scene. Music has a vital role to play in traditional Aboriginal communities and is intimately connected to the country (the physical attributes of the landscape, the plants, and the animals) and heritage of a person. Traditionally, it is connected with important ceremonies like winning of battles, the bringing of rain, wounding foes, and healing. Later generations are able to learn Aboriginal music by performing it (Baumann 45). It is considered to be varied or enhanced in successive performances, not fixed. It is performed communally and the number of participants is usually large. There is a diversity of culture among Aboriginal communities that is exhibited in the diversity of music, techniques, songs, and instruments. Ethnomusicology in Australian Aboriginal Culture Ethnomusicology is the art of using various approaches in defining music which is connected to a certain nation, group and ethnicity. This study helps in researches that are directly linked to a cultural group and the musical instruments that are used in their composition. It is openly expressed that ethnomusicology focuses on the cultural issue that connects the musical instruments to their culture (Atherton 48). The culture is steadfast and the musical instruments and musical composition will try to emphasize this fact. Similarly, the musical compositions state the need for the social setup during such cultural practices. In the ancient time, musical instruments and cultural music were savored as important activities that strengthened the culture of a community. As such, the generations that used this kind of social setting still use this as a social entertainment in their culture (Kaye 37). Similarly, the cultural instruments and music are used as a material to pass information to the community. This includes cognitive and biological dimensions which are expressed to the community. Since ethnomusicology is considered a Western culture, the cultural affiliations are rife in this part of the world. This explains why Australian Aboriginal music still thrives up to date. Though some of the western people are distanced from the cultural affiliations and music, they still have a soft spot for this kind of music and cultural practice (Atherton 48). It is known to instill the aspect of originality while serving the purpose of entertainment. Focusing on the sociological perspective, it is seen that Australian music and musical instruments are displaying continuity in the Aboriginal culture. There has been an increase in the number of scholars that have directed their study towards Aboriginal music and culture. This is due to the strong aspect of originality in playing the instruments and the cultural music. In Australia, the didjeridu is an instrument that has managed to thrive through the years. Up to date, the instrument is savored as it exposes Australian cultural music (Bos 21). In making a strong point out of this activity, the people studying Aboriginal Australian music have increased the theoretical framework of studying these particular cultural expressions in music. Though there are some critics that base their point on the need for this kind of interments and music, it is explicitly seen that Australia still cherishes Aboriginal cultural music. This also includes musical accompaniments like the didjeridu. Types of Traditional Music There are 3 unique forms of Aboriginal music. The first and largest form is that common in secret and sacred ceremonies. These songs are only performed for specific reasons, and in specific places. The ceremonies in question normally mark an event or events that are linked with totemic forefathers. Only initiated men can witness the ceremonies and songs of this form. There are also secret ceremonies for women, a large percentage of which are associated with reproduction. There are also specific songs for children. The second form of music, of which there is a large quantity, is the semi-sacred. They are sung during the initiation of young boys; men sing while women dance. Sacred and semi-sacred songs are usually performed in full at designated ceremonial grounds only, and men who have not been initiated into that totem at that appointed place are not allowed to sing them. The third and final form is entertainment or non-sacred music (Atherton 35). These types of songs are the only genres of Australian Aboriginal music that can be performed by anybody – men, women, or children- anywhere or at anytime. The most popular form of these public ceremonies is the corroboree which is marked by men dancing for up to 3 or 4 hours in succession while women and children sing. Non-sacred songs were spread easily and shared freely among tribes, regularly shifting between languages (Bos 26). Arrernte painting of a public corroboree (Bos 33) Music also has a part to play in ordinary life. According to Herbert Basedow (1925) (Baumann 37), “it is common practice, among Australia’s tribes, for one person to prolong conversation with others by singing the words to songs. In instances when the people involved in the conversation intend to conceal the matter as much as possible, or when they want to share information without third parties noticing, they hide their words in song. The same is also done whenever a third party is criticized”. Young Aboriginal children are normally urged to sing and dance about daily chores. At puberty a child is expected to know the first songs connected to the totemic animals and plants of their clan and the mythology and history of the group – these have unique melodic formulas that tell them apart from songs by other groups. Young men are also required to learn more cordial songs which are the fundamental entertainment for their group. Karma songs become the core source of spiritual strength and part of education when men marry and become more involved in group responsibilities (Baumann 31). A man’s maturity can be gauged based on the knowledge he has gained through ceremonies and songs. Music, Ceremonies and Songs - Gurirr Gurirr (Krill Krill) Songs One of the latest and most important examples of the enduring functions of songs and ceremonies in the traditional culture of Aborigines is the rise to prominence of the Krill Krill song ceremony and cycle in the eastern part of Kimberley. A man by the name of Rover Thomas had the Gurirr Gurirr revealed to him following the death of a woman with whom he shared a spiritual connection in 1974 (Baumann 46). The ceremony is distinguished by dancers who carry painted boards which were initially painted by Paddy Jaminji, Thomas’s uncle. Rover Thomas instructed his uncle on how to paint the boards, and only took up painting by himself several years later. These paintings have influenced the dramatic growth of east Kimberley’s painting style which is fronted by Jack Britten, Queenie McKenzie, Rover Thomas, and Hector Jandany (Bos 45). The Didjeridu The Australian Culture and the Didjeridu According to Australian Aboriginal culture, the didjeridu and Aboriginal music are a way of uniting the consciousness of the people with the stated patterns of nature and laws. The Didjeridu is considered to be one of the oldest musical instruments in the Australian culture and this gives the instrument massive respect in relation to the culture of the region (Kaye 27). Playing the didjeridu is therefore described as a way of acquiring the much needed knowledge of nature and the cultural dreams which are not visible. Therefore, Aboriginal culture has history with this kind of musical instrument since it is not only an entertainment musical instrument but also connects the people with their invisible dreams and nature. The long wooden instrument which looks like a flute is played frequently since it is considered a string that connects the people to their culture. In ancient times, Aborigines would use the didjeridu to listen to nature, especially the sound produced by animals and birds. This was a natural way of connecting to nature since it was highly respected. These sounds were closely connected to the wooden instrument since they had similarity (Kaye 43) in the frequency of the sound. The accuracy of the voice instigated the need for an instrument that would be used in the same way. This led to development of the didjeridu in the Aboriginal culture. For a long time, Australia’s indigenous music was commonly linked to the sounds of the didjeridu, traditional singing, and clapping sticks. The didjeridu is a wind instrument that was invented by Indigenous Australians living predominantly in northern Australia around 2,000 years ago (Bos 51). It is still widely used today not just in Australia but also around the world. It is sometimes defined as a drone pipe or a traditional wooden trumpet. It is classified by musicologists as a brass aerophone. It has been confirmed that there are no credible sources indicating the exact age of the didjeridu. Archeological research on rock art found in Northern Australia indicates that the didjeridu has been used for less than a century by the people of Kakadu area that is located in the Northern Territory. Carbon dating of shelters and paintings on cave walls from this period was used to verify the length and period of time in which the instrument has been in use or was used. A vivid rock painting found in Ginga Wardelirrhmeng and which was from the freshwater age shows two song men and a didjeridu player engaging in an Ubarr Ceremony (Kaye 49). A modern didjeridu is generally conical or cylindrical, and its length can range anywhere from one to three meters (three to ten ft). Most of them are however 1.2 m (4 ft) long. The length is usually directly proportional to 0.5 wavelength of the keynote (Neuenfeldt 84). Usually, the longer the instrument, the lower the key or pitch of the instrument. Etymology Didjeridu is seen as an onomatopoetic word that was invented by the West (Baumann 34. It has also been insinuated that it may originate from the Irish words duidire or dudaire (meaning constant smoker; eavesdropper; trumpeter; long-necked person; crooner; and hummer) and dubh or duth (meaning black or native respectively) (Kaye 76). This theory is not widely accepted, however. Regional Names Tribal Group Region Local Name Anindilyakwa Groote Eylandt Ngarrriralkpwina Yolngu Arnhem Land Mandapul (Yidaki) Djinang Arnhem Land Yirtakki Iwaidja Cobourg Peninsula Artawirr Gagudju Kakadu Garribak Ngarluma Roebourne, W.A Kurmur Nyul Nyul Kimberleys Ngaribi Warray Adelaide River Bamboo Mayali Alligator Rivers Martba Pintupi Central Australia Paampu Arrernte Alice Springs Ilpirra Gupapuygu Arnhem Land Yiraka Construction and Play Genuine Aboriginal didjeridus are made by makers who travel to Northern and Central Australia to gather raw materials or traditionally aligned communities in Northern Australia. They are normally made from hardwoods, particularly the many eucalyptus species that naturally occur in the region (Neuenfeldt 18). An endemic bamboo like pandus or Bambusa arnhemica is sometimes used. Usually, the main trunk is harvested, although a large branch can be used instead. Aboriginal didjeridu craftsmen normally look for live trees that are suitably hollow, in areas with evident termite activity. Termites are known to attack living eucalyptus trees, damaging only the trees’ dead heartwood because the living sapwood has a chemical that repels them. Different techniques are used to find trees that have suitable hollows, including: (a) a kind of knock or tap test in which the bark is peeled back and the blunt part of a tool (e.g. an axe) or a fingernail is hit against the wood so as to establish if the hollow generates the expected resonance, and (b) knowledge of the activity patterns of termites and the landscape (Atherton 62). When a tree that is suitably hollow has been found, it is felled and cleaned out, the bark is removed, the ends are trimmed, and the exterior is shaped; this produces a finished instrument. This instrument can be left undecorated or painted if need be. The mouthpiece end can be rimmed using black beeswax (Neuenfeldt 39). The beeswax has a unique aroma and is extracted from wild trees. Sugarbag mouthpieces are sometimes fitted onto traditional instruments that are crafted by Aboriginal craftsmen living in Arnhem Land. The didjeridu is played by constantly vibrating the lips so as to generate the drone while employing a special breathing method known as circular breathing. This requires the player to breath in through the nose while, at the same time, removing stored air from the mouth using the cheeks and tongue (Bos 78). Using this technique, a skilled player can restore the air in the lungs, and with enough practice can maintain a note for any desired amount of time. There are recordings of modern didjeridu players sustaining notes or playing for longer than 40 minutes. Decoration Most didjeridus are painted using traditional or conventional paints by their makers or a hardworking artist, but the decoration is not necessary (Baumann 82). It is usual to preserve the natural wood grain with little or no decoration. Physics and Operation A didjeridu that is termite-bored usually has an irregular shape that, generally, normally increases in diameter towards the bottom end. This shape is evidence that its resonances occur at frequencies that are not harmonically spaced in terms of frequency (Neuenfeldt 19). This is in contrast to cylindrical pipes whose resonances are harmonically spaced and fall in 1:3:5 ratios. A didjeridu’s second resonance (the note is sounded through over blowing) is normally around an 11th higher compared to the basic frequency (a frequency ratio that is kind of less than 3:1). The vibration generated by the lips of the player has harmonics, meaning it has frequency parts that fall precisely in the ratio 1:2:3, etc. The instrument’s resonances are however spaced non-harmonically, meaning that the fundamental note’s harmonics are not systematically supported by the instrument’s resonances, as is usually the norm for Western wind instruments (Kaye 105). The timbre of didjeridus can be strongly influenced by the vocal tract’s strong resonances. At some frequencies whose values are determined by the player’s tongue, the vocal tract’s resonances impede the oscillatory flow of air into the didjeridu. Bands of frequencies that are not therefore impeded generate formants in the sound that is outputted. The formants, and particularly their fluctuation during inhalation and exhalation stages of circular breathing, lend the instrument its easily recognizable sound (Atherton 44). Other variations in sound can be created by supplementing the drone with vocalizations. Many vocalizations are associated with sounds produced by Australian animals like the kookaburra or the dingo. To generate these sounds, the players must use their vocal chords to generate animal sounds while simultaneously blowing air through the device. The results vary from very high pitched sounds to very low guttural vibrations. The complexity of the playing increases when vocalizations are added (Neuenfeldt 39). Cultural Significance Originally and traditionally, the didjeridu was mainly played as an accompaniment to ceremonial singing and dancing. It was also common for the instrument to be played for recreational or solo purposes separate from ceremonial gatherings (Bos 47). The didjeridu is still an important part of ceremonial life for surviving Aboriginal communities of northern Australia; this is because it compliments singers and dancers in cultural events that continue. Nowadays, the didjeridu is primarily played for recreational purposes by Indigenous Australian communities and other peoples around the world. Pair sticks, also called bilma or clap sticks, create the rhythm of the songs during ceremonies (Atherton 36). The beat of the clap sticks and the rhythm of the didjeridu are exact, and these patterns have been carried to later generations for ages. In a genre called Wangga, the song man begins with vocals and then, in the accompaniment of the didjeridu, introduces the blima (Baumann 68). Gender Prohibition Traditionally, men are the only ones allowed to play the didjeridu and sing during cultural events, although both men and women can dance. There are female didjeridu players, but their playing occurs in an informal context and is not particularly encouraged (Kaye 22). According to an ethnomusicologist known as Linda Barwick, tough women have traditionally been barred from playing the didjeridu in ceremonies, in informal contexts the Dreaming Law permits it. For instance, Jemima Wimalu, a Mara woman hailing from the Roper River area is very good at playing the instrument and is featured on the Aboriginal Sound Instruments record that was released in 1979 (Bos 28). In 1995, a musicologist called Steve Knopoff witnessed a performance of djatpangarri songs by Yirrkala women; these songs are culturally performed by men. Also, in 1996, an ethnomusicologist called Elizabeth MacKinley witnessed public performances by Yanyuwa women. In 2008, however, HarperCollins publicly apologized for after publishing the book “The Daring Book for Girls" which frankly urged girls to play the didjeridu (Bos 30). Although gender prohibition does not exist in the region of the didjeridu’s origin, such restrictions have been used by other Indigenous communities. The instrument was first introduced to the Kimberly area almost 1,000 years ago but only in the last decade have Aboriginal men displayed negative reactions to women playing the didjeridu. Prohibitions are particularly evident in the Southeastern part of Australia. The notion that women are barred from playing is prevalent among Aboriginal communities in the South of Australia and is also common among non-Aboriginal peoples (Kaye 95). Some ethnomusicologists hold the view that spread of the taboo and other misconceptions is caused by marketing and commercial agendas. Tourists normally depend on shop attendants for details when buying a didjeridu. Also, most commercial didjeridu recordings that are available are distributed by large (multinational) recording companies and consist of non-Aboriginals playing a New Age genre of music as well as liner notes that promote the spirituality of the instrument which deceives consumers about the secular purpose of the instrument in traditional Aboriginal communities (Neuenfeldt 67). Health Benefits According to a 2006 study published in the British Medical Journal, it is evident that learning and practicing the instrument helps reduce obstructive sleep apnea and snoring by strengthening muscles found in the upper airway, and therefore lowering the tendency to collapse while sleeping (Neuenfeldt 26). The strengthening only happens when a player has perfected the circular breathing method. Conclusion Contrary to what most people believe, Aborigines have a strong connection with music and consider it to be a vital component of their everyday lives as well as their traditions. The common misconception that Aboriginal music is non-existent has been spread by people who are interested in reaping where they have not sowed. For instance, multinational recording companies use and heavily borrow from Aboriginal music and instruments like the didjeridu without acknowledging and recognizing the original creators. This amounts to infringement but since Aboriginal and other Indigenous communities are not well-protected, there is not much that can be done. All in all, this paper has proved that Aborigines and other Indigenous Australian communities strongly identify with music through instruments like the didjeridu. Musicologists and ethnomusicologists have done a wonderful job by highlighting and enlightening people on the history, development, and current status of Aboriginal music and the didjeridu. Works Cited Atherton, Michael. Australian made, Australian played: handcrafted musical instruments from didjeridu to synthesizer. Kensington, NSW, Australia: New South Wales University Press, 1990. Print. Baumann, Max Peter. Readings in ethnomusicology. Berlin: VWB-Verlag fu?r Wissenschaft und Bildung, 2012. Print. Bos, Robert. Didjeridu theology: linking traditional Aboriginal and Christian symbols and ceremonies. Rev. [Ed]. ed. Casuarina, N.T.: Nungalinya College, 1983. Print. Kaye, Peter. Play & enjoy the didjeridu of the Australian Aboriginal: a newcomer's guide. Cairns, Queensland: Peter Kaye, 1987. Print. Neuenfeldt, Karl. The didjeridu: from Arnhem Land to Internet. Sydney: J. Libbey/Perfect Beat Publications, 1997. Print. Read More