Violence against Women in Modern Societies - Essay Example

In what ways and why does violence against women persists in modern societies 0 Introduction The continuous violation of women’s rights in countries worldwide has been proved as one of the most critical challenges for legislators. Due to the extension of the problem numerous initiatives have been undertaken for regulating the specific field, but with no particular success, at least so far. In this context, the phenomena of violence against women have been radically increased, even in developed countries where such actions would be expected to be limited. This paper explores the ways in which violence against women persists in modern societies; also, reference is made to reasons for which the problem remains unsolved. The review of the relevant literature has lead to an important finding: violence against women has been based on many factors; there is no single fact that leads to the specific behaviour against women. Therefore, addressing the problem requires a carefully designed plan. The change of traditional social beliefs in regard to women’s role in society would help to control the expansion of the phenomenon; however, such change could be achieved only gradually and with the support of the government. For example, schemes for informing the members of communities on the effects of violence against women would be preferred instead of programs addressing the issue at personal level. In other words, the resolution of the problem could be planned only through long-term initiatives and not through temporary measures. 2.0 Violence against women in modern societies 2.1 Trends and aspects of the problem In general, the phrase ‘violence against women’ is used for showing specific actions that threaten women’s mental or physical health. In a relevant study, the violence against women is described as related to ‘the use of force/coercion with an intent of perpetuation/ promotion of hierarchical gender-relations in all social structures’ (Wahed and Bhuiya 2007, p.342). The development of violence against women has been closely monitored by relevant Bodies/ organizations both at national and at international level. According to a relevant report of the World Health Organization (WHO) the violence against women is usually developed into two forms/ modes: ‘a) as partner violence and b) as sexual violence’ (WHO 2013, par.1). In the same report it is noted that about 35% of women around the world have experienced, even once, one of the two types of violence (WHO 2013, par.2). Moreover, statistics published by Statistics Canada revealed that in 2011 about 173,600 women across the country suffered violence (Statistics Canada 2013, section 1, par.6). Worldwide, the problem seems also to be extensive: the number of girls that face an assault while going/ returning from school has been estimated to 60 million, on annual basis (United Nations 2014, par.6). In addition, the physical/ health condition of women does not seem to be an obstacle for perpetrators: about 5% of women abused worldwide annually are pregnant (United Nations 2014, par.9). The relationship between violence against women and culture is verified through the findings of the studies referring to countries with different cultural characteristics. For example, in the study of Wahed and Bhuiya the causes and modes of ‘violence against women in Bangladesh’ (Wahed and Bhuiya 2007, p.341) are set under examination. It is proved that in the above country violence against women is developed in specific ways, such as: ‘domestic violence, acid throwing, rape, trafficking and forced prostitution’ (Wahed and Bhuiya 2007, p.341). In addition, the study revealed that in Bangladesh violence is part of women’s daily life (Wahed and Bhuiya 2007) and not a periodical problem. 2.2 Key causes for the non-extinction or even limitation of violence against women in modern societies The development of violent behaviour against women seems to be related to certain factors. Primarily, reference should be made to the causes for which such behaviour first appears: a) the psychological characteristics/ attitudes of the perpetrator; an individual with aggressive behaviour is expected to develop violence against another person even against of his close social environment, such as wife, child etc., b) the similar experiences of the perpetrator as a child; this means that if the perpetrator had experienced violent as a child, either as a victim or a spectator of such actions, then he is expected to develop a similar behaviour as an adult; c) the exposure to alcohol and to drugs increases the chances for the development of violent behaviour and d) the educational background of the perpetrator; individuals with low educational background have been proved as more likely to proceed to violent actions than the individuals of higher educational status (WHO, par.6). In a report of 2013 and which refers to violence against women in Canada, emphasis is given to another factor, related to the particular behaviour: the socio-cultural characteristics of the region involved. More specifically, in regard to Canada, it has been proved that the social/ cultural and demographic characteristics of communities can lead to increased violence against women (Statistics Canada 2013, Section 2, par.1).This trend is made clear through the graph in Figure 1. According to the particular graph women living in non-Census Metropolitan Areas are more likely to suffer violence compared to those living in CMAs; the term CMAs is used for showing areas within or around major cities, i.e. urban areas (Statistics Canada 2013, Section 2). Figure 1 – Level of violence against women in CMAs and non-CMAs areas (source: Statistics Canada 2013) When referring to the reasons for which the levels of violence against women remain high emphasis should be given to the following fact: the psychological status and the personal experiences of each individual cannot be known to third persons (Romito 2008). This means that when a women meets a man for first time but also even after years of living with him it is possible for certain elements of his behaviour to remain unknown (Romito 2008). These characteristics/ experiences can lead him to develop a violent behaviour, even if no signs of such behaviour had been revealed up to then. The specific view is based on psychology’s explanations in regard to human behaviour (Lundberg-Love and Marmion 2006). From a similar view, Durkheim has noted that the behaviour of person can be explained by referring more to his/ her social environment and not so much to his personal characteristics (Devries and Seguin 2013). This social environment, or, else, social structure, as characterized by Durkheim, is influenced by ‘two forces: regulation and integration’ (Devries and Seguin 2013, p.149). Among these forces, regulation shows the pressures that individuals living in the particular social environment have to face from external factors while integration reflects the level at which people living in the relevant region ‘share the same social beliefs’ (Devries and Seguin 2013, p.149). Durkheim has referred to the above forces in order to explain the reasons for which certain women tend to have thoughts for committing a suicide (Devries and Seguin 2013). However, the explanation of Durkheim could be also used for explaining the violent behaviour against women, since both suicide and violence are related to behaviour; the latter can be influenced both by personal experiences and by the social environment, as Durkheim explained. Using the view of Durkheim, the non-limitation of violence against women worldwide could be explained as follows: in most societies the beliefs in regard to the role of woman are based on the following idea: women need to be patient and do not react dynamically, like men, but they should rather try to identify solutions peacefully. With such perceptions in the social environment it is difficult for women to secure their right in regard to safety when addressing the authorities: often the exposure of women to violence is interpreted as being a result of their behaviour, a view which has been also developed in theory, as explained in the study of Hove and Gwazane (2011) below. The view presented above is verified through the study of Brennan (2011); the above researcher tried to identify the level of violence against aboriginal women in Canada. Among the findings of his study is the following: a quite high percentage of the victims/ women, about 76%, do not report the violent incident, as developed against them, to the police (Brennan 2011, p.5). The study reveals another, important, fact: in the context of the Canadian communities involved in the study, the violent incidents against aboriginal girls/ women are significantly higher than the native girls/ women. This trend is presented in Figure 2 below. Figure 2 – Violent incidents against native and aboriginal girls/ women in Canada, for 2009 (source: Brennan 2011, p.7) The findings of the study of Brennan highlight an important social problem: in developed countries the position of aboriginal women is worst than the position of the native women in regard to the right of the first to health and safety. In other words, in developed countries the measures developed for the protection of women’s rights are not based on equality leaving aboriginal women exposed to the violation of their rights and, even, to threats for their life (Brennan 2011). From this point of view, the non-limitation of violence against women in developed countries can be related to the lack of effective regulatory frameworks in regard to the rights of women belonging to aboriginal populations (Merry 2011). Hove and Gwazane (2011) supported that domestic violence is influenced by the perceptions of women on violence. For example, data published in a survey developed in Haiti in 2000 revealed that women that have repeatedly faced beating by spouse were more likely to approve violence by spouse compared to women that had not faced such conditions (Hove and Gwazane 2011). Moreover, it has been proved that women who tend to be autonomous and to take decisions in regard to their health are less likely to face violence compared to women that show a different behaviour, i.e. a more passive behaviour (Hove and Gwazane 2011). Through the above it is implied that violence against women can persist not just because of cultural influences or because of the economic crisis but also because of the personal perceptions and the behaviour of women. In other words, women have part of the responsibility in regard to the violence they face; this part of responsibility can be more or less depending on the social and cultural environment involved and the educational status of each woman (Stark and Buzawa 2009). Macmillan and Kruttschnitt (2005) have developed a study, for the US Department of Justice, in order to identify the most common patterns and reasons of violence against women across US. Their study led to the following finding: the reason for which violence persists against women can be identified in the economic/ social status of women. More specifically, women who have their own income and can easily ‘escape a violent relationship’ (Macmillan and Kruttschnitt 2005, p.41) are less likely to continue to be exposed to violence. In opposition, women with no income are not able to exit from violent relationships (Macmillan and Kruttschnitt 2005). For these women the support from social services and the community is vital in order to escape and to establish a new life, free from violence (Macmillan and Kruttschnitt 2005). This support would refer to all aspects of the women’s life, such as housing, food, health, legal aid and identification of a job (Macmillan and Kruttschnitt 2005). If such support is not available, then a woman is likely to keep facing the violent behaviour with no prospects to escape. Through this approach, the state is set as the key responsible for the continuation, and often the increase, of violence against women; it is the state that can establish the services and the facilities that can support the women/ victims of violence since the state can have access to the funds require and can complete the relevant plans quire rapid compared to similar initiatives that are organized by individuals (Van Dijk et al. 2012). The responsibility of the state for the development of mechanisms that can help women to escape violent environments is also highlighted in the study of Renzetti and Bergen (2005). From a similar view, Kilmartin and Allison (2013) note that violence against women can be effectively faced if appropriate initiatives are taken at community level. In regard to this issue Weldon (2002) notes that the mechanisms and the regulations required for the control of violence against women are established worldwide but due to high bureaucracy the progress of the relevant processes is usually quite slow. 3.0 Conclusion The development of violent behaviour against women has been found to be a multi-dimensional problem. Primarily, a relationship has been identified between the personal characteristics, such as personal experiences in childhood and the personal attitudes, of the perpetrator. Then, a link seems to exist between violence against women and local culture. This means that in cultures where the role of woman in society is believed to be of low importance, the development of violence against women is at quite higher rates, compared to cultures where women are considered as equal members of the society, being at the same position with men. At this point, Western countries seem to have an important differentiation, compared to the countries of the East: in Western countries the violence against women is at lower rights than in Eastern countries. Still, the level of violent incidents against women in Western countries would be characterized as rather high, if considering these countries’ culture and their economic growth. In regard to this issue an important fact should be highlighted: violence against women can appear no matter the economic or the social status of the perpetrator. At the next level, the statistics published by international organizations, such as WHO, as presented above, show a higher rate of such incidents caused by people of low educational level but this is not a rule. Moreover, it has been proved that violence against women can appear anytime, meaning that there are no standard criteria for checking whether a man will develop violent behaviour against a woman. The statistics related to this field can only offer indications for the level of risk related to people belonging to specific social/ cultural groups. For example, men in rural areas are more likely to develop violence against women, as revealed through the data of Figure 1. Under these terms, it could be concluded that violence against women persist in modern societies for a series of reasons, with a special emphasis to the cultural and educational background of the perpetrators. An additional reason seems to be the lack of effective legislation, both at national and international level. Even if laws for regulating the specific behaviour have been introduced their enforcement is quite problematic, a phenomenon probably related to the social and cultural beliefs for the role of women in society; these beliefs tend to remain negative, as proved in practice, even if efforts for securing the access to women in all aspects of social and economic life have been developed in most countries worldwide. References Brennan, S., 2011. “Violent victimization of Aboriginal women in the Canadian provinces.” Juristat, 4-21 Devries, K. and Seguin, M., 2013. “Violence against Women and Suicidality: Does Violence Cause Suicidal Behaviour?” Key Issues in Mental Health 178: 148–158 Hove, K. and Gwazane, M., 2011. “A study to determine factors associated with domestic violence among concordant and discordant couples in Zimbabwe.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 1(7): 156-162 Kilmartin, C. and Allison, J., 2013. Mens Violence Against Women: Theory, Research, and Activism. Florence: Psychology Press Lundberg-Love, P. and Marmion, S., 2006. "Intimate" Violence Against Women: When Spouses, Partners, Or Lovers Attack. Cheltenham: Greenwood Publishing Group Macmillan, R. and Kruttschnitt, C., 2005. “Patterns of Violence Against Women: Risk Factors and Consequences.” A report funded by the U.S. Department of Justice. Document number: 208346. Available at https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/208346.pdf [Accessed at 13 March 2014] Merry, S., 2011. Gender Violence: A Cultural Perspective. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons Renzetti, C. and Bergen, R., 2005. Violence Against Women. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Romito, P., 2008. A Deafening Silence: Hidden Violence Against Women and Children. Bristol: The Policy Press Stark, E. and Buzawa, E., 2009. Violence Against Women in Families and Relationships. New York: ABC-CLIO Statistics Canada, 2013. Measuring Violence Against Women: Statistical Trends. Available at http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2013001/article/11766-eng.htm [Accessed at 13 March 2014] United Nations – Regional Information Centre for Western Europe, 2014. Key statistics on violence against women and girls. Available at http://www.unric.org/en/uk-a-ireland-news-archive/28258-key-statistics-on-violence-against-women-and-girls- [Accessed at 13 March 2014] Van Dijk, J., Tseloni, A. and Farrell, G., 2012. The International Crime Drop: New Directions in Research. Oxford: Palgrave Macmillan Wahed, T. and Bhuiya, A., 2007. “Battered bodies & shattered minds: Violence against women in Bangladesh.” Indian Journal of Medical Research, 126: 341-354 Weldon, L., 2002.Protest, Policy, and the Problem of Violence Against Women: A Cross-national Comparison. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press World Health Organization (WHO), 2013. Violence Against Women – Key facts. Available at http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs239/en/ [Accessed at 13 March 2014] Read More