Political Disengagement - Essay Example

Political Disengagement The diminishing participation of the populace in the electoral process has emerged as a common phenomenon in many countries. In order to determine, whether this development is detrimental for democracy, it has to be ascertained whether a higher voter turnout could have bestowed greater relevance upon the other parties1. This decrease in voter turnout has generated considerable doubts regarding the very functioning of democracy. It is generally presumed that a class bias is engendered in the electoral results, due to a low voter turnout. The majority of the research studies conducted on participation in the electoral process was unanimous in declaring that the socio – economic status was strongly associated with participation. Moreover, it was seen that age, income and education were some of the most important issues that influenced an individual’s proclivity to exercise his franchise2. As such, voter turnout has been interpreted as an indicator of the commitment of the public towards the existing political system. Consequently, the drastic reduction in the number of voters is indicative of a significant emasculation of such commitment3. Thus, voter apathy is an indication of the reduced concern of the public, towards political processes, and this could affect the democratic system in the long run. Voter turnout in the UK has generated a large number of debates. In 2001 voter turnout was 59.1%, which increased marginally to 61.3% in the year 2005. The hectic election campaigns brought forth several predictions regarding huge voter turnouts. Some of these predictions were on the basis of poll respondents who declared that they would exercise their franchise without fail. In addition, the Electoral Commission revealed that a very large number of people were downloading registration forms from its website4. This proved to be incorrect, as no explanation was forthcoming regarding the dismal voter turnout on the day of polling. Furthermore, several reports emerged regarding the formation of large queues at a few polling centres, and some of the polling centres ran out of ballot papers. However, the bitter truth finally emerged, and it became clear that these incidents were the result of the inefficiency of the concerned officials, and not due to a large turnout of voters5. The inefficiency of the authorities is also one of the reasons for low voter turnouts in the UK. Although the parliamentary democracy of the UK can function, despite public apathy; the fact remains that governmental effectiveness is enhanced by the degree of participation of the public in politics. As such, effective governance is determined by the level of voter turnout and partisanship. These factors, in the context of Britain, have diminished drastically. The Audit conducted for the year 2009, makes it crystal clear that political parties continue to procure a very low level of support. Moreover, decision making has been shunned by half of the populace. In addition, those who wish to involve themselves in politics do not find the time to do so6. It is indispensable to address these issues, because they have a bearing on promoting better governance in the nation. British politics has enjoyed stability for centuries. Nevertheless, the active participation of citizens has been very low, at 10%. The participation of the British in politics has been seen to be the least among the Western democracies. The 21st place was accorded to the UK by the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index 2008. This is a very low position and is chiefly on account of the low level of political participation. This score occupies the lowest position among the 30 nations that have been classified as full democracies7. Moreover, the political system extant in the UK has generated deep disillusionment amongst the populace. This was clearly visible in the general elections of 2001, wherein the voter turnout was a paltry 59%, the lowest since the year 19188. Various theories of political engagement provide different reasons for voter’s non-participation in exercising their franchise. As such, voter turnout has been addressed by theories of political effectiveness and rational choice, and theories pertaining to the sociological realm. Theories based on rational choice state that the decision to exercise one’s franchise is taken, only after assessing the extent to which the advantages of voting prevail over the costs involved9. This depicts the tendency of the people to avoid costs, if the advantages of voting are insignificant. Moreover, it has been contended by some scholars that voting provides a convenient and easy form of taking part in the political process. It does not require much of an effort or initiative on the part of the voter. In addition, it does not require the voter to work with other individuals or to participate in conflict. Moreover, the act of voting is of considerable importance10. Voting, per se, should be considered as compulsory and a duty by the citizens. It should not be viewed as a costly affair, by comparing its advantages with its disadvantages. In addition, it has been stressed by the sociological theories that characteristics of a socio economic nature have a significant effect on the tendency of people to exercise their franchise, political behaviour of individuals and the identification of a person with the values upheld by a political party11. An examination of this theory is crucial for obtaining a better understanding of the underlying features of political engagement. In general, it had been observed that voter turnout was more among individuals with higher income, education, white collar workers, people belonging to the white race, men, the middle aged, older people, persons with better and deeper community relationships, the married and the members of organisations. Low political motivation was attributed by Crewe et al, to the difference between low political motivation and voter apathy. The alienated voter harbours the notion that his vote will have little if any bearing on the electoral outcome12. In addition, such disillusioned persons believe that politics and political parties have minimal effect on their lives and do not consider their welfare. This casual attitude of the public is one of the important reasons for lower voter participation. On occasion the election procedures act as hindrances to voting. As many as 2 million voters in Britain were in danger of not being permitted to exercise their franchise. These individuals had not ensured that they were on the electoral rolls. Furthermore, a considerable number of the remaining voters would find it difficult to vote, as they would be unable to reach the polling station allotted to them. It is a sad commentary on the extant electoral system, which has remained the same, since the year 191813. The British electoral system is irretrievably behind the times, and out dated procedures result in low voting rates. In Britain, it has been estimated that 7% of the voters would not be registered voters. The corresponding proportion in the year 1966 was 4%. A few of these missing voters had deliberately vanished, in order to avoid poll and council taxes. Another reason behind missing voters is the fact that people change their location with greater frequency than was the practice in the past .The electoral registers are maintained in a ponderous manner14. Thus, the electoral system finds it difficult to keep abreast with the change in location of the voters. Despite the fact that it is unlawful to abstain from casting one’s vote, this law is observed more in breach. Policy is seized with citizenship, which constitutes a crucial political concept. There has been a substantial reduction in the voter turnout, since the 1990s. This could be cause for concern, as pointed out by some commentators, because it could be indicative of a crisis of democratic accountability. Ostensibly, the public seems to have become disenchanted with the traditional electoral politics and rejected it15. The rational choice model, which addresses civic behaviour, states that the economically rational entities, while undertaking any activity, ensure that benefits are maximised and costs are minimised. In situations where the costs outweigh the benefits, a rational actor will abstain. Since, the individual voter is perceived to have a marginal effect on the outcome of an election the economically rational entity can be expected to eschew elections. Nevertheless, these entities participate in the electoral process, on account of advantages like personal satisfaction for having taken part in civic activity16. On the other hand, the social capital model of civic behaviour declares that participation in civic life promotes trust among the others members of society. Thus, societies, wherein the members routinely participate in voluntary and social activities, are characterised by being affluent, successful, trusting of its members and well governed. This model envisages the effect of trust, membership of voluntary organisations, habits related to watching the television and incorporation in a local community17. Consequently, the degree of political activism can be associated with the degree of trust and voluntary activity in that society. Obviously, the civic voluntarism model entails political competence. In this respect, it is similar to the rational choice model. Unlike the rational choice model, in which competence is dependent on the people’s capacity to produce a tangible effect, effectiveness in civic voluntarism is essentially related to the possibility of having an impact18. Other theories, such as the cognitive engagement theory are founded on the notion that participation is contingent upon individuals’ access to information, and their capacity and willingness to employ such information while exercising an option. This theory has assumed considerable significance, due to the unprecedented and extraordinary growth of education in the UK, especially higher education19. The significance of education in such theories arises from the fact that it enables an individual to acquire and assess a large volume of information. The conventional citizen is one who wholeheartedly participates in politics, whilst possessing an informed acquaintanceship with the intricacies and issues of the government20. Education improves the thinking capacity of an individual. In addition, easy access to any information on matters such as choosing the right candidate and procedures of voting, enhance a person’s confidence, while exercising his franchise. According to this theory an informed individual is more likely to cast his vote. Individuals with an interest in public affairs and politics, and with a clear comprehension of the doctrines of democracy, are the products of cognitive mobilisation. Furthermore, there is the distinct possibility that citizens, who are cognitively engaged, will be influenced by the state’s performance, in bestowing the benefits of citizenship upon the populace21. Thus, the cognitively involved citizens enact a crucial role. These individuals can be expected to register their disagreement with the failure of the state to provide satisfactory services. Such citizens could express their dissatisfaction by resorting to unconventional tactics. Moreover, such individuals could exhibit a reduction in their willingness to shoulder their responsibilities as citizens, if they were to apprehend that they were not receiving the benefits promised to them. Consequently, cognitive engagement theory is essentially a theory of citizenship that is based on the choice of the individual citizen22. In this theory, the performance of the system is crucial in rendering a person a good citizen. The European political systems had on analysis, revealed that political system levels were dependent on changes in the various kinds of electoral systems. This line of reasoning was adapted by some scholars, who arrived at the conclusion that voter turnout was chiefly dependent on the institutional arrangements that were inherent in the electoral laws, mandatory voting, the political parties in the fray and the extent of the electoral disproportionality23. This political systems approach provides many important features that could affect voter turnout behaviour. In marked contrast to this perspective, there is the cultural approach, which emphasises the relationship between voter participation in elections and lasting values. This perspective contends that in participatory cultures, the populace is contented with its institution, which in turn results in greater political efficiency. Any culture that incorporates such values improves participation in the political process and ensures a better voter turnout. On the other hand, political systems with values that are more passive diminish participation in the political process24. As a consequence, voter turnout rates depict generalised patterns of social and political activity. Furthermore, proportional representation entails intricate and arcane techniques of counting. Not surprisingly, these methods have served to totally confuse the hapless British voter. A striking example of this undesirable situation is provided by the 2004 European elections. An exit poll conducted on the voters of Greater Manchester showed that none of these voters had any inkling regarding the manner in which the counting was to be performed. In the 2007 Welsh Assembly elections, very few voters were cognisant of the fashion in which the regional seat allocation was to be conducted25. Gender is also a factor that affects a voter’s decision. Domestic responsibility is inequitable in the UK, with women having to shoulder a much greater burden. This causes women to participate to a lesser extent in politics. However, during the 2001 general elections, 4% more female voters cast their vote, in comparison to male voters, in electoral contests where a contestant was a lady. It had also been noticed that females represented by members of their own gender, exhibited a greater tendency to state that the government had provided them with benefits26. Thus, it would be to the advantage of political parties to field a greater number of women. Interest in politics was seen to be 58% among males, in comparison to 45% among females. However, the greatest interest in politics was among those who were between the ages of 65 to 74 years. This was of the order of 69%. Another interesting trend noticed was that interest in politics and age were in direct proportion; but this trend changed, when the age crossed 75 years27. In accordance, with this survey, it was established that gender and age have a considerable effect on voting decisions. Moreover, in the year 2007, there was a decline in interest in politics, among the younger people of the UK. This was offset to some extent by an increase in interest among the older individuals. There is considerable apathy regarding politics in the UK, as is evident from the fact that just 33% of those in the age group of 18 to 24 years, evinced an interest in politics. This was contrasted by individuals aged above 55 years, as 63% among them stated an interest in politics28. The lower social grade members showed a lesser interest in politics, in comparison to those in the higher grades. Thus, 27% of the respondents pertaining to the black and minority ethnic groups declared an interest in politics. On the other hand 53% of the white respondents stated an interest in politics. Another interesting feature that was recorded related to those who perused reliable and standard newspapers. Most of these readers were seen to be interested in politics. In fact, 79% of the readers of quality newspapers were interested in politics, in comparison to 50% of the readers of the tabloid newspapers29. Hence, Social status and ethnicity have a significant effect on the political interests of the public. Political interests decline with decrease in social status. In the context of individuals who harbour the notion that they are well versed with the British constitutional system, 79% depicted a keen interest in politics. This contrasted sharply with those who did not possess such knowledge, as just 32% of this group were interested in politics. Age has a major bearing on the tendency to cast one’s vote. There is an increase in such propensity with age, up to the age of 75 years, after which there is a marked decline30. For instance, just 23% of those in the age range of 18 to 24 years are likely to vote, in comparison to 78% of those who belong to the age group of 65 to 74 years. Furthermore, 58% of the married or cohabiting couples were seen to be interested in exercising their franchise, whereas only 34% of those living alone were likely to do so. Coming to the different regions in the UK, the people of Scotland declared great interest in casting their vote, and this was of the order of 65%. The overall proportion for the entire nation was 53%. However, in Wales, just 41% stated an interest in participating in the electoral process31. The marital status of the voter affects his voting. In addition, geographical location seems to be one of the factors influencing the decision of voters. The Audit of Political Engagement envisages the following crucial features of political engagement. Knowledge and interest, provides information about the proportion of the people who believe that they are knowledgeable about politics, and the percentage of the people who affirm an interest in politics. Similarly the facet of action and participation makes it possible to arrive at the percentage of the people who are certain to vote and the percentage of the people who are politically active. Finally, efficacy and satisfaction is a facet that makes it possible to assess the proportion of the people who believe that active involvement in politics will bring about improvement. It also provides the percentage of the people who consider the existing system of governance to be functioning optimally32. It has been contended by some commentators that the waning of the party and its substitution with groups has enhanced direct involvement. This has proved to be especially true of the democracies of Europe and North America. All the same, commentators like Habermas and Michels consider civil privatism to be principal type of political participation, with respect to the majority of the citizens33. Its mainstay is the electoral system, which inspires individuals to promote involvement to the minimum by limiting political activity to polling. This type of political involvement is assumed to benefit the political elite. Such benefit is derived by these elite, due to the fact that the government can claim legitimacy due to the existence of the political process, whilst most of the citizens are not provided with any tangible power34. In accordance with the research, it can be concluded that there are several variables that determine voter turnout in the UK. Quite a few political engagement theories have been formulated, in order to provide an explanation for voter decisions in political involvement. Some of these theories highlight the importance of education, while arriving at decisions. Others suggest that the social and marital status of the individual have an effect on political participation. Gender, ethnicity and geographical location of a person seem to affect decisions to participate in the election process. Furthermore, the interaction of the people with other members of society influences decision making of the voter in political participation. Voter turnout has declined in the UK, due to several reasons as explained above. The casual attitude of the voter in respect of political participation, inefficiency of authorities, and out-dated procedures are some of the issues to be addressed in order to increase voter turnout in the UK. Bibliography Audit of Political Engagement 5 The 2008 Report with a special focus on the Constitution (London: Hansard Society, 2008). Audit of Political Engagement 6 The 2009 Report with a focus on political participation and citizenship (London: Hansard Society, 2009). Childs, Sarah. "A British Gender Gap? Gender and Political Participation ." Political Quarterly 75, no 4 (2004): 422 – 424. "Decrepit." 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