Black News Media Representation and Young Black Males Perception - Essay Example

The Effect of Black News Media Representation on Young Black Males’ Perception of their Own Identity Chapter This study argues that the negative perceptions of many young black males of their own identities are constructed to a significant extent by the mass media, particularly the news media. The media appears preoccupied on a controversial idea that emerged particularly in the 1970s with the appearance of ‘blaxploitation films’: “that there is a ‘black pathology,’ a fundamental weakness in African American families that can be traced to their experiences as slaves” (Rome 2004: 5). For instance, the news media have set a trend in associating young black males with violence, lawlessness, and aggressiveness (Coover 2001). Similarly, the entertainment media have willingly received their prompt from the members of the press, and these inaccurate representations not merely shape race relations but also generate a self-fulfilling prophecy for young black males, whose limitations of achievement can be fixed for them by presentations in the media (Johnson, Adams, Hall, & Ashburn 1997). A widespread stereotype about young black males is that they take part in substance abuse in uneven numbers. Other widespread detrimental stereotypes portrayed in mass media involve the young black male as a drug addict and criminal; there is also a persistent depiction of the young black male intellectually inadequate (Larson 2005). An individual who carries the dishonour of group membership should be equipped for its incapacitating consequences. Studies suggest that young black males are aware that they are denounced as being cognitively inadequate and that they go to school carrying a ‘burden of suspicion’ (Larson 2005: 42), as it is referred to as by psychologist Claude Steele. Such a burden can influence their achievement, attitudes, and perception of their selves (Larson 2005). Likewise, studies discovered that when college men are admonished that their group is regarded inferior at math, their academic performance may realise this prophecy (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). These stereotypes stay with stigmatised individuals regardless of their accomplishments or status. They should remain vigilant and put up with an extra burden that may impinge on their self-esteem, ambitions, and performance. These stereotypes have the capability of depriving them of their individuality and weaken their efforts to escape from stigmatised roles (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). Background of the Problem Even though Black news journalists and principal characters have been steadily growing in number, the significant majority of decision makers in the media remain White. That influences of colour are not being exercised has been a grave issue in the Black community because it impinges on the essence of media content that infiltrates society and its members (Larson 2005). For instance, the commonness of detrimental images of Blacks as offenders in newspapers has been controversial (Rome 2004). The responses of the Black community to the news coverage about their members are usually very decisive; in truth, the most decisive in comparison to other minority/ethnic groups, such as Asian Americans and Hispanics (Fujioka 2005). A national study derived from representative samples of minority groups reported that roughly half of the Black participants thought they were unjustly presented in crime news, and majority of them felt troubled and offended at least once a week with news reports about their people (Rome 2004). Black participants also emphasised that newspapers portrayed Blacks in simply two severe ways, either bad, the more frequent, or good, the uncommon depiction, revealing the same duality of the field Negro or the house Negro in slavery (Rome 2004). Blacks have played various roles and characters, as well as professional functions in the entertainment media. Nevertheless, the Black community and scholars have voiced out contradictory sentiments (Larson 2005). For example, the Cosby Show received a positive assessment and high regard among White audiences, but numerous Blacks felt displeased and anxious with the integrated Black family due to the fact that it did not embody realities and perceptions most Black people encounter in their lives (Larson 2005). A number of Black audiences were simply pleased to witness Black potential and Black diversity in the media that had been basically ignored in the past, expecting that these positive depictions might counteract loads of negative Black representations (Rome 2004). However, a number of black audiences voiced out their discomfort when interacting with well assimilated Black people by portraying the family, the Huxtables, as “being white people in blackface” (Rome 2004: 7), which is an inaccurate depiction. Likewise, Oprah Winfrey displays the image of an extremely successful Black woman, yet this figure has been illustrated as a ‘decoy’ for Black people (Larson 2005). Specifically, for numerous Black audiences, media portrayals of Blacks bear slight resemblance to reality. Several Black audiences have specified that the outcomes of the idealistic Black portrayals presented in the media transcend how Blacks perceive their selves (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). They have made a definite relationship between Black media representations and how Whites perceive and recognises Blacks in real life and, hence, have expected damaging implications, such as being stigmatised, as an outcome of their interaction or contact with other people (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). These spectator responses evidently suggest that Black audiences are exceptionally aware of the media portrayal of the members of the Black community and very decisive when assessing those representations (Fujioka 2005). The qualitative findings also indicate the following patterns (Fujioka 2005: 450): (a) Black audiences often believe Black media images are ‘unrealistic’ and ‘false’ and feel uneasy with assimilated Black portrayals, (b) they tend to see Black media images as public expectations about them (assimilation to White culture), and (c) they tend to associated Black media images with public understanding of Blacks. These trends appear similar to at least several of the intimidating situations indicated by Stephan and Stephan (2000), which indicate the notion of Black media representations as a source of intimidations. As Black media portrayals could address the identity of the members of the Black audience, and connect to their observed public perceptions of Blacks, the imagery of Black media may also connect to Black participants’ approval of positive action (Larson 2005). Current research findings indicate a major function of Black identity in deciding about positive action (Fujioka 2005). Statement of the Problem This study attempts to determine the effect of Black news media portrayals of on young Black males’ self-perception. This study pays specific attention to the individuality or self-identity of young Black males and suggests that media portrayal of Blacks may influence young Black males’ perception of their own identity, which is linked to their views of public attitudes towards the Black community. The study employs secondary data analysis to examine the suggested relationship among major variables that will be elaborated later. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between Black news media representations and young Black males’ perception of their own identity. Earlier studies reveal that Black news media portrayals may function as a source of intimidations to the identity of young Black males (Entman & Rojecki 2001). When the negative news media depictions intimidate the identity of a Black respondent, one of the key coping mechanisms is to show loyalty to group membership in stronger terms, such as affirming a stronger membership to the group, reducing the trustworthiness of the negative news media portrayals (Entman & Rojecki 2001). Moreover, as reported by the findings of audience research Black news media representations may be related to the perceptions of young Black males of how members of the mainstream population perceive Blacks and suppose Blacks to be (Rome 2004). Specifically, negative Black depictions are linked to perceived detrimental public view of Blacks, which may encourage Black people to think that it is vital to have a positive-action strategy (Larson 2005). Research Questions This study focuses on the effect of Black news media portrayals on young Black males’ perception of their own identity. Thus, the study attempts to answer the following research questions: (1) How do young Black male research participants perceive news media presentation of members of the Black community? (2) How do these perceived representations related to young Black males’ perceptions of their own identity? (3) What are the effects of Black news media portrayals on young Black males’ perception of their own identity? Hypotheses The study designs the following hypotheses: [H1]: Young Black male research participants perceive news media presentation of members of the Black community negatively. [H2]: Black news media portrayals are directly or strongly related to young Black males’ perception of their own identity. [H3]: Black news media portrayals have negative effects on young Black males’ perception of their own identity. Theoretical Framework The theoretical foundations of the study are embedded in its title, specifically, that the researcher’s description of crime is socially constructed primarily by news media and that crime is usually linked to young Black males. The theoretical viewpoint referred to as the social construction of reality originally established by Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann and incorporated into the discipline of criminology by Richard Quinney appropriately explain the effect of an invasive mass media (Rome 2004). According to this theoretical perspective, individuals construct reality and perception of their own identity through individual knowledge and knowledge obtained from social interactions with other individuals. Individuals then behave and act in line with their created perception of reality and their own identity (Rome 2004). There is a recurring influence in creating reality in that once individuals recognise ideas to be real, they explore and search for models of these ideas. Blacks are the arsenal for the White fear of crime (Coover 2001). The connection between criminality and blackness is established by concepts such as ‘black crime’ and ‘black-on-black crime’ (Coover 2001: 413). Furthermore, a study by a Pennsylvania State University media research specialist reports that recall of crime stories with pictures of the suspects show racial stereotypes, and Blacks are particularly prone to be erroneously recognised as perpetrators of brutal crimes (Rome 2004). When respondents were instructed to name criminal suspects depicted in stories about brutal crimes, they were more likely to misrecognise Blacks than White suspects. Also, these respondents, to a far lesser extent, had a tendency to associate White criminals more with passive or nonviolent crime (Rome 2004). Basically, individuals’ misidentifications of brutal crime appear to incriminate all Black males rather than the particular people who are in fact depicted (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). Essentially, the Penn State reports substantiate the idea that stereotype of Black males as violent offenders are manifested in what individuals remember from news report. This form of misidentification has numerous repercussions ranging from concerns related to peace and order to concerns related to daily activities such as reinforced distrust or fear of others (Rome 2004). Furthermore, the study suggests that self-revealed racial outlooks, no matter how informed or biased, had no effect on respondents’ capability of correctly identifying the racial affinity of a criminal suspect. This proposes that Whites may not understand the extent to which profoundly instilled stereotypes interfere with their memories. Delimitations of the Study This study only examines the effects of Black news media portrayals on young Black males’ perceptions of their own identity. The study employs secondary data analysis in answering the aforementioned research questions. One primary disadvantage of secondary data analysis is that since the researcher did not take part in the planning and implementation of the process of data collection, s/he does not know precisely how it was carried out. Furthermore, the researcher is not aware of the quality of the data or how well the data were gathered hence how critically the data are influenced by setbacks such as respondent misinterpretation of particular survey question or low response rate. Therefore, future research has to study a mainstream minority population so as to gain a better understanding of Black news media portrayals on young Black males’ perceptions of their own identity. Chapter II Review of Related Literature Theories of Social Identity and Self-Categorisation Social identity, according to Tajfel and Turner (1986), refers to a “group-based identity motivating people to perceive their own group favourably and distinctively from other out-groups” (Fujioka 2005: 450). The theory of social identity argues that (Fujioka 2005: 450): (a) the group memberships people hold contribute to their group-based (collective) esteem, and (b) positive social identity is derived from a favourable view of the in-group (the group to which people belong) relative to other out-groups. Hence, members of a social group are encouraged to gain and sustain constructive social identity by participating in intergroup assessments that assist in creating positive attitudes and assessment of their in-group (Johnson et al. 1997). In relation to the theory, the process of social identity includes the self-categorisation and depersonalisation processes (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). Social identity will be triggered once individuals categorise self and others into a particular social group and reinforce a sense of group membership (Fujioka 2005). Upon self-categorisation, individuals recognise themselves as in-group members rather than as distinctive individuals, or depersonalisation, which encourages individuals to distinguish in-group resemblance, or likeness between the in-group members and the self, yet feel more detached from members of the out-group, or out-group difference (Fujioka 2005). Self-categorisation relies on a particular social milieu, yet a number of social groups such as gender and race are highly relevant and can be triggered involuntarily with a slight cue due to their commonness and rate of activation (Coover 2001). Furthermore, racial affinity is one of the most relevant social groups for majority of the minority group members. For instance, Phinney and Alipuria studied the racial identity embraced by college students from four diverse racial groups and discovered that racial minority students perceive racial identity considerably more vital than did White students (Coover 2001). Current studies also revealed that racial indications depicted in the media has little effect on the responses of White respondents caused by the lack of importance White participants put on their racial affinity (Larson 2005). It is therefore highly probable that news media portrayals of Black images may trigger the ethnic identity of Black audiences. As soon as ethnic identity is triggered, Black representations in the media become “self- (in-group) referencing” (Fujioka 2005: 451) and a vital fact for a Black participant’s self. Individuals are responsive and sensitive to self-referencing information offered by other people because it functions as a foundation of self-regard and self-evaluation. Per se, Black media representations may significantly draw the attention of Black participants (Fujioka 2005). As indicated by the theory of social identity, the desires of Black respondents to bear constructive perceptions of their in-group may encourage them to display various forms of coping mechanisms to Black media representations, especially when they are viewed as ‘intimidating’ or ‘aversive’ to Black identity (Fujioka 2005). Crime, Race, and the Mass Media There has long been an issue over the portrayal of ethnic/racial groups in mass media. MacDonald claims, for much of the history of television newscasters had been “comfortable with racial stereotyping, whether it was the abrasive representations so abundant in the 1950s or the subtler stylisations of the 1970s” (Fujioka 2005: 451). In the first few years of television, the programme Amos’ N Andy depicted Black males as fools or scam men harassed by domineering Black females. The challenges they faced in their everyday lives were numerous, even though mainly the outcome of their own incompetence and not linked to race (Larson 2005). Depictions of Blacks as exceedingly servile and expressive inundated television programmes in the 1950s and 1960s (Coover 2001); the small number of attempts to represent Blacks in more constructive roles were confronted with objection by Southern television associates, which declined to air them (Markowitz & Jones-Brown 2000). Due to the fact that networks needed to have coverage or publicity in as many metropolises as possible, stigmatised representations of minorities agreeable to white Southern viewers prevailed (Coover 2001). In the 1970s, the portrayal of members of minority groups on television transformed remarkably. One cause was the emergence of black activism as the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the NAACP assisted in bringing about congressional sessions that denounced the television industry for its negligence towards minority groups both on the screen and in its staffing process (Larson 2005). Another cause was court decisions ordering that local television networks failing to address the needs and demands of their communities by responding in a prejudiced way may have their licence renewals rejected (Larson 2005). The outcome was that Southern associates may no longer decline to air television shows based on the racial characters they contained. The main cause for the emergence of constructive Black roles in television narrative, nonetheless, was the finding that the Black community was a heavy user of the medium (Fujioka 2005). “The TV networks... turned to black viewers to bolster sagging prime time ratings” (Fujioka 2005: 451). A change also began to occur on news media throughout the 1970s and 1980s. The image of crime portrayed by news coverage is fairly unclear, though. As stated by Doris Graber, offenders in the news media have a tendency to either aggressive street offenders or higher-class property criminals (Rome 2004). As claimed by Ray Surette, offenders shown on the news media have a tendency to be somewhat older than that showed in official arrest figures. Even though there is, to a certain extent, interest given to white-collar offense, scholars claim that there is an underrepresentation of white-collar crime (Rome 2004). Notwithstanding, even though the public could be resentful about corporate crime, it could be logical to believe that it is more interested about street or blue-collar crime, and street crime, as it is perceived in reality television, is mainly an endeavour of young Black males (Entman & Rojecki 2001). Sheley and Ashkins discovered that Blacks comprised more than eighty percent of burglary suspects on New Orleans news media (Fujioka 2005). Entman’s (1994) investigation of news media in Chicago revealed that vicious crime committed by Blacks comprised roughly forty one percent of the overall local news reports, and that those reports would propose that Blacks are more threatening than Whites (Rome 2004: 74): The accused Black criminals were usually illustrated by glowering mug shots or by footage of them being led around in handcuffs, their arms held by uniformed white policemen. None of the accused white criminals during the week studied were shown in mug shots or in physical custody. Moreover, crimes committed by Blacks against Whites seemed to have high precedence as news reports (Rome 2004). Furthermore, in the recent decades, a new type of reality television has surfaced: tabloid-style programmes that confuse even more the difference between fiction and fact, a development emphasised by many media experts. These programmes have flourished, partly, because they are cheap and produce moderately high profits in viewership (Rome 2004). At the core of these studies of race and crime on news media is a concern for the effect that these portrayals have on young Black males’ perceptions of their own identities. Studies of the effect of mass media portrayals on audiences are multifaceted, perplexing, and conflicting. News Media Portrayals of Race One of the first methodical investigations of the news media’s reporting of race was carried out by the Kerner Commission four decades ago. Acting as a response to disturbances in 1967, President Lyndon Johnson assigned the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, which was eventually named the Kerner Commission, to discover what occurred, why the disturbances took place, and what may be done to thwart disturbances from taking place again (Fujioka 2005). As component of its investigation of the causes of the disturbances, the Kerner Commission examined the role of the media in the civic strife and assumed that the journalists had failed to sufficiently expose the core problems that resulted in the disturbances (Fujioka 2005). The Kerner Commission also denounced the news media for covering from a White-exclusive point of view and failing to expose the culture, history, and endeavours of members of the Black community (Larson 2005). Emphasising that ‘fewer than 5% of U.S. journalists were Black and far fewer were in decision-making positions, (Fujioka 2005: 451)’ the Kerner Commission claimed that the profession of journalism had been “shockingly backward” (Fujioka 2005: 451) in looking for, staffing, training and endorsing Blacks. Since the latter half of the 1960s, there has been slight major transformation in the news media exposure of members of the Black community (Coover 2001). Researchers who investigated race and news media have discovered that Blacks are habitually misrepresented, disregarded, or stigmatised (Coover 2001). Even though scholars have given relatively less attention to the issue of race and news media since the Kerner Commission disapprovals in 1968, there have been a number of important studies (Larson 2005). Roberts (1975) documented news programmes for non-speaking and speaking appearances of Blacks to find out the level of their perceptibility. Roberts (1975) discovered Blacks were not quite perceptible and had insignificant influence, particularly on issues of national or international affairs. Ziegler and White (1990) investigated how newsmakers were reported in news media and assumed Whites were more prone to be newsmakers, and were also more prone to be depicted in various roles and characters than were Blacks. Entman (1994), in an investigation of network newscasts, discovered that Blacks were linked to unfavourable news and felony; leaders from the Black community were presented denouncing the government and its courses of action or being charged of a crime. In an investigation of information sources of news reports, proof of discrimination was discovered. Black professional sources were mainly quoted in reports about Black topics but seldom in reports about non-Black topics (Entman 1994). Daishell (1996) studied network news report of the murder trial of O.J. Simpson and discovered that even though there was no proof of barefaced racism, network news report concentrated on racial separations in the constitution of the public opinion polls, jury, and charges of police misbehaviour. In investigations of local news media, Black politicians were discovered to be linked with particular interests and Blacks in most cases were more likely to be exposed when the topic was crime (Rome 2004). Entman (1992) and Entman and Rojecki (2000) examined local news media in Chicago and discovered that even though an equal number of White and Black criminals were reported in the news, there were substantially more White victims than Black in crime news report. Furthermore, news reports on White victims were far longer than news reports on Black victims. Black criminals were more prone than White criminals to be presented in a mug shot, and Black were more prone than Whites to be presented handcuffed or in jail clothing, grabbed, or pinned down by an officer (Entman & Rojecki 2001). Ultimately, there was discrimination in utilisation of official sources. Whites charged of an offence were practically always talked about by White law enforcers; Blacks charged of an offence were talked about by Black law enforcers one-third of the time (Entman & Rojecki 2001). Instead of concentrating on content, several recent researchers have concentrated on the gatekeepers, the people who determine which content is covered. These investigators discovered that when it comes to news and race, usually those decision-makers, in spite of good intentions, keep on copying reports that may be distinguished as racially biased (Rome 2004). Scholars and critics have proposed that local news media misreports crime as widespread and Blacks as perpetrators. A number of studies have assumed that exposure to this misrepresented depiction of race and crime on news media strengthens the stereotype that Blacks have an inclination towards aggression and criminal activities (Larson 2005). Much of this earlier research discovered that Blacks are most likely to be associated with criminal behaviour and that reports of Blacks offence is most likely to influence audiences’ ideas concerning their own identities (Larson 2005). Even though this previous research seems to provide empirical evidence for the idea that Blacks are overly related with criminal activities on local news media, very few studies has been conducted on the level to which comparable depictions may or may not take place on network news (Fujioka 2005). Several earlier studies have addressed the degree to which network news associates race to social identities (Fujioka 2005). Nonetheless, there has been a lack of attention given to whether news media unduly represents Blacks as offenders while inadequately representing them in more sensitive roles such as police officers and victims (Rome 2004). Currently, several studies have been carried out that examine the role of local news media in depicting Blacks as criminals. For instance, Dixon and Linz (2000) discovered that Blacks were twice as prone as Whites to be depicted as criminals on local news media. Moreover, Blacks were more prone to appear as offenders than as law enforcers on the news whilst the contrary was factual of Whites. Furthermore, Blacks were overrepresented as criminals on local news media compared to crime coverage. The study of Entman (1992) reported that Blacks were more prone than Whites to be shown in mug shots on local news media and were more prone than Whites to be shown in handcuffs on local news programmes. Also, Dixon and Linz (2002) have presented several verifications that Black defendants are more prone than White defendants to have detrimental pre-trial statement reported about them on local news media. Damaging information has been discovered in previous work to prejudice adjudicators against defendants. Furthermore, previous work has revealed that Whites are usually consigned to either positive or sympathetic roles of local news media. Dixon and Linz (2000) discovered that Whites were unduly represented as victims of homicide compared to crime coverage. Whites were also more prone to come out as victims than as criminals in the news whilst the contrary was factual of Blacks. In addition, Oliver (1994) have revealed that Whites are excessively represented as law enforcers on local news media and reality television shows compared to employment records. To put it briefly, previous work of Black portrayals of crime on local news media demonstrated two somewhat reliable findings. First, Blacks are commonly relegated to a portrayal as criminals while being underrepresented as victims and officers. Second, Whites are commonly unduly represented as victims and officers on local news media. However, none of this previous work deals with crime and race depictions on network news media. Recognising these depictions may be vital due to the following reasons: a) network news media have the vast majority as their audience; b) network news media has a more prominent standing than local news media; and c) network news media has additional resources with which to report news events comprehensively (Fujioka 2005). Furthermore, distortion on network news may generate a more dominant influence on audiences than the identical forms of misrepresentation on local news media because it could be viewed as a more reliable information source (Fujioka 2005). Majority of network news media investigations have not explored the depiction of race and crime (Torres 1998). Nonetheless, a few have addressed depictions of Blacks. For instance, a prior investigation of network news media by Roberts (1975) reported that Blacks are commonly seen but not heard in news reports. Moreover, Blacks were usually linked to racialised topics such as segregation and bussing. In addition, Blacks were usually consigned to blue-collar images on network news media. Another investigation was carried out by Gilens (1996) who conducted a research wherein he found out that network news media unduly represents the population of Blacks in poverty, specifically Blacks who are of ‘working able-bodied ages’ (p. 21). Gilens (1996) did not openly investigate network news media, race, and crime. The research found only one investigation that directly studied whether Blacks are misrepresented as offenders or criminals on network news media. Entman (1994) conducted a content analysis of network news programmes of NBC, ABC, and CBS for three months of news coverage and an examination of one year of ABC news’ verbatim records. There were three major discoveries reported by Entman (Rome 2004: 77): 1) There is less crime coverage on network news than on local news; 2) Blacks were largely represented as perpetrators or victims of crime; 3) Blacks were more likely than Whites to appear as perpetrators in drug and violent crime stories. The investigation of Entman (1994) was a pioneering attempt in relation to crime and race depictions. Nonetheless, it did not use a random sample of programming. Moreover, the investigation did not utilise a varied index of crime and race trend in order to examine network representations. An analysis of whether the percentage of racial minorities depicted on network news media is in agreement with data revealed in other official documents was lacking. The present study tries to surmount these limitations. Read More