The Dynamics of Food in Relation To Gender - Essay Example

and Number of the Teacher’s THE DYNAMICS OF FOOD IN RELATION TO GENDER, IDENTITY AND RELATIONSHIPS INTRODUCTION Food is vital for life, primarily essential for biological functioning; it satisfies not only physical hunger but also provides emotional gratification, creates social bonds and strengthens social relationships. Further, food reflects the organization of society, is an essential aspect of cultural phenomena, forms a system of communication and conveys meaning through a symbolic language which is accessible to all. Foodways are beliefs and behaviors associated with the production, distribution and consumption of food. They “reveal much about power relations and conceptions of sex and gender” (Counihan, 1999: 6). In contemporary times, especially in the western world, there is a tendency to focus on the thinness of the body as a symbol of self-control, power and assertion of individuality. This is in contrast to other cultures such as that in Jamaica and Fiji, where a plump body is acceptable and preferred, with its connotations of care-giving, generosity and social cohesion. In the United States power relations are established through subordination, where women frequently experience dissatisfaction and self-hatred directed at their body. This results in women and to some extent men, spending huge amounts of time and energy for relentlessly pursuing thinness. Differentiation between the genders and personal identity construction is increasingly food-related. Where the desire for thinness is predominant and obsessive, psychopathological outcomes such as Anorexia nervosa and bulimia may result (Counihan, 1999: 11). The purpose of this paper is to examine how food is gendered, how differentiation from the other gender is conceptualized by men or women based on food; determine its impact on the formation of personal identity, and on relationships with own gender and the opposite gender. DISCUSSION How Food is Gendered: The Differentiation Conceptualized on the Basis of Food Women almost exclusively have observed fasts since centuries, using food as a unique voice to express themselves. Among men and women in several cultures, food is used as a means of differentiating between the genders as well as a channel of connection between them. Males and females claim different roles with regard to food, and specific attributes through identification with particular foods. Food is used as a means for defining their masculinity and femininity along with similarities and differences between them (Counihan, 1999: 13). In Papua New Guinea, Wamiran men and women define gender through their relation to taro a food that is considered both nutritionally and symbolically to be of great significance. Taro plants grown by men represent male status and virility. However, women’s vital contribution to taro production in the planting and weeding strengthens their essential role in Wamiran economy and culture, and male and female powers are equalized by the community. Similar establishment of distinctive identities as well as social and economic interdependence through the production and distribution of food is seen among the Culina men and women of the western Amazon. Through gender division of labour, gardening and the growing of vegetables is carried out by women, while men are responsible for hunting and the procurement of meat. The reciprocal exchange of food is an essential element of marriage partnerships; and the control over the food system is clearly balanced (Counihan, 1999: 13). Though food is a medium of distinguishing between men and women, facilitates exchange and establishes connections among both genders, it is essential that exchanges should be reciprocal to maintain equality. In the United States there is a lack of reciprocity in men’s and women’s food exchanges. Women have power over food distribution, to a large extent, being responsible for the foods that enter the home, as “gatekeepers”. But this responsibility over provisioning food is not the same as control which is in the hands of men. “Food provisioning often reproduces female subordination by requiring women to serve, satisfy and defer to husbands or boyfriends who do not feel a similar need to serve their women” (Counihan, 1999: 13). Reciprocal behavior of giving and receiving, of cooking and eating contributes to equality among partners; and if reciprocity is lacking, power imbalances may result. In several ways food forms the basis for male and female identity and relationships. Martens (p. 21) conducted a research study on gender differences in the eating out experience. The author’s aim was to present and discuss evidence from the literature on the topic of gendered food tastes when the eating is done outside the domestic realm, and to determine whether there was continuity in the differences between eating at home and dining in restaurants. A second area of concern is the gendered nature of feeding work and decision making regarding the procurement, preparation and distribution of food, in the domestic sphere. The author also addresses the reflection of subordination and dominance during meal times within households. While in the event of eating out, the work is done by paid staff, and the company that one eats in may include individuals other than those of the immediate family group. Even in the eating out situation, there are possibilities for gender practices to occur, both within company groups and between customers and serving staff. Women commonly receive poorer treatment than men, with the serving staff marginalizing them based on a historical conception of gender-appropriate conduct in the public domain. The marginalization of women usually occurs because of the conception of women as having lower economic access than men. The hospitality employee believes that the man in the customer group has control over the economic resources of the group, hence treats him with greater deference (Martens: 21). The evidence on eating out decision taking reveals that gender differences in conduct do exist, but the level of differences varies according to the composition of the company dining out It was found that food tastes are gendered. Three dimensions of food tastes include food quantity, food types, and food restrictions; and these factors differ between eating out and eating in. The food tastes appear to be similar among both genders in the context of eating out. The taste differences on the three parameters of food quantity, food types and food restrictions are subtle rather than strong between men and women, with respect to eating out. (Martens 20, 21). Food Quantity: Based on the number of courses, both men and women tend to eat more when they eat out, and both genders remove their normal eating controls when they eat out. Contemporary every-day domestic meals are usually composed of one course. However, some difference in taste was found with male respondents more likely to have eaten a starter than female respondents who in turn were more likely to have eaten a dessert (Martens: 21). The similar number of courses eaten by both men and women was belied by the fact that the portion sizes were found to be different, with women opting for smaller portions. Food Types: The types of foods selected by both genders were of a wide range. A significant number of female interviewees admitted to actively seeking out and enjoying fat and carbohydrate-rich foods while eating out (Martens: 22). 58 percent of recordings by men as compared to 42 percent of recordings by women indicated instances of eating beef. Contrastingly, women recorded eating chicken more often with 63 percent of recordings as compared to 37 percent by male respondents. Women also recorded more fish than men: 58 percent as compared to 42 percent by men. Food Restrictions: Contemporary concerns with weight control and health issues in relation to routine eating practices, were indicated by the research. However, it was found that these concerns were not taken into consideration while eating out. 41 percent of respondents agreed that they were not much concerned about the healthiness of the food served when eating out, while 47 percent disagreed, and 11 percent had no opinion. Women were slightly less in number that is 39 percent, as compared to 45 percent of men, who agreed that they were not as concerned about the healthiness of the food that they were served while eating out (Martens: 22-23). Another research study, which was conducted by Grogan et al (p.30) on gender differences in attitudes and behavior in the eating of sweet snacks, showed a significant difference between men and women. As compared to men, women viewed sweet snacking as more unhealthy, and at the same time more pleasant, thus revealing opposing attitudes towards sweet snacking. Further, women were found to be more concerned about weight gain. “Outcome beliefs, perceived social pressure, and behavioral intention towards sweet-snacking did not differ between women and men, although women did intend to snack less in general” (Grogan et al: 30). The results indicate that there was no significant difference between the genders on the reported frequency of eating sweet snacks. Women’s contradictory attitudes and their perception of social pressure reliably predicted their behavioral intentions which correlated with their frequency of eating sweet snacks. On the other hand, men’s intention to eat sweet snacks as well as actual consumption were both reliably predicted only by their attitudes towards health and pleasantness. It was concluded that men’s sweet-snacking is less influenced by social pressure than is women’s. Impact of the Gendering of Food on Identity Formation Identity is a vital component of human social interaction, “involving the establishment and signification of relationships, of sameness and of differences between individuals and groups” (Harbottle: 2). Identity construction helps in defining the individual and others in relation to oneself and is essential for every individual. Identity helps to give meaning to existence and order to the world, while forging norms and values (Scholliers: 5). Food carries a powerful symbolism and hence is very important to identity formation at both an individual as well as a collective level. Gender identities are cross-culturally variable, and are formed through various dimensions such as cultural interpretation of bodily features, through performance and social enactment. Gender identities and status are also defined through the medium of food, especially food work. The performance of domestic food work enhances female identity; and in many societies an avoidance of female-associated roles and activities including cooking is necessary for strengthening the masculine identity (Harbottle: 4). The consumption of some foods and the avoidance of others, as well as decisions made regarding several other criteria help to express an individual’s identity. The other important dimensions are: the people in whose company one eats, the quantity consumed, and the appropriate etiquette for the occasion. These enable culturally sanctioned performances through which crucial information regarding one’s identity is revealed (Harbottle: 4). Deviations in the normal equations between food, gender and identity occur in the case of individuals who feel a compulsive urge to gain control over their own body through weight loss, and proclaim their autonomy through a thin body. Anorexia nervosa is the condition of self-inflicted starvation in the availability of ample food, in which there is no recognizable organic disease. As a result of preoccupation or obsession with body size, the patient relentlessly pursues the goal of thinness and has a phobic avoidance of being fat. A comparatively recent approach attributes the condition to the patient’s use of the body as a tool in their struggle for existence, to escape passivity with a concrete striving for independence through emaciation. Therapy implemented on this basis has proved to be more successful in improved outcomes as compared to earlier approaches (Bruch: 105). This condition which afflicts adolescent girls predominantly, is one of the ways in which they seek to assert their identity as independent individuals who are in control of their body shape and size. Bordo (p.162) found that though mainly females experienced their lives as a continual battle with their bodies, a large number of males also expressed similar ideas in their reasons for running and other activities. A contemporary culture is evident, with a distinct manifestation of a set of attitudes about the body that is similar among both genders to a great extent. With the appearance of the body becoming increasingly important for personal and professional success, the incidence of eating disorders has also risen among men. Self-image and identity formation are increasingly associated with appearance, especially with a body devoid of fat. Dieting in males is more likely to be associated with participation in sports, to fight obesity, gender identity conflicts, and fear of future medical illness, than a sociocultural pressure to diet which is usually experienced by women. In western societies, although men are less subjected to pressure to be slim and to diet than women, according to Fairburn & Brownell (p.188) there is significant prevalence of anorexia nervosa in men. The diagnostic criteria for males with anorexia nervosa is similar to those for females. Comorbid psychiatric conditions such as mood and personality disorders that afflict males are similar to those that impact females. Anorexia nervosa and bulimia which were barely known a century ago, have reached epidemic proportions in the present times. The author believes that these conditions cannot be dismissed as superficial fashion phenomenons because they are disorders arising from central ills in our contemporary culture. The ills range from “our historical heritage of disdain for the body, to our modern fear of loss of control over our future, to the disquieting meaning of contemporary beauty ideals, in an era of greater female power and presence than ever before” (Bordo: 163). Ninety percent of all anorectics are women; and eighty percent of the thousands of people every year who get their intestines removed for the purpose of losing weight, are women. The growing stress placed by fashion in the last several decades on slenderness is recognized to be the main reason for the increasing desire for a thin body. However, this reason does not answer the crucial question why our culture places so much emphasis on maintaining a slim, tight and young body. The bulimic’s compulsory vomiting or the anorectic’s wrong perceptions of her body image are greatly detrimental to the individuals’ normal development and functioning. In the twenty-first century, there is increasing lack of control over other spheres of life such as the threat of a nuclear holocaust and other devastations. This may to some extent explain the desperate fixation to the body as an arena of control (Bordo: 164). It is important to examine why women are the most oppressed by the tyranny of the need to be slender, which is mainly a post-1960s, post-feminist phenomenon. A possible explanation is that there is a change in the perception of attractiveness pertaining to the body; or it may be possible that radically different meanings, associations, fantasies and images are now true for the idea of incarnate femaleness. It is important to take these criteria into consideration in order to achieve a deep understanding of the current epidemic of eating disorders. Bordo (p.164) believes that the psychopathologies that develop within a culture cannot be minimized as aberrations or deviations from the norm. On the other hand, they represent the essence of all that is wrong with the culture during the particular era or time. Cultural self-diagnosis and self-scrutiny are crucially required. From the underlying distresses of every era, there emerges in an exaggerated form its own peculiar pathologies, and a variety of cultural currents converge in anorexia. These cultural currents combine in the anorexic syndrome, with similar occurrences in families, and connections with other phenomena such as contemporary cultural practices in the form of body building, jogging and other physical improvement activities. The body is constantly in the grip of cultural practices, and as with all things human, is constituted by culture. Cultural practices are an inherent part of the individual’s body. Some cultural currents have historical significance such as the connection between anorexia and extreme manipulation of the female body by tight corseting which was common only a century ago. Anorexic women are not only obsessed with being thin but also with hunger. The typical anorectic does not lose her appetite but is greatly haunted by hunger, of which she lives in constant dread. The dread of being overwhelmed by hunger is the fear of losing control to the biological urge. The real neurosis is not the dread of becoming fat but the dread of hunger and the constant desire for food which relentlessly pursues the anorectic. Even when full the individual is afraid of the coming hour in which hunger will start again. The experience of hunger by anorectics is different, where hunger is an alien invader which cannot be controlled by any self-regulating mechanisms from which it is disconnected. Indeed, “bulimic anorectics who binge on enormous quantities of food, sometimes consuming up to 15,000 calories a day” are unable to stop (Bordo: 168). The underlying delusion of not being the owner of the body and its sensations is a common symptom of all eating disorders and is not limited to the experience of hunger. Cold, heat, emotions and anxiety are also not identified by patients with eating disorders, as originating from the self. In a battle between the body and the mind, thinness is considered to represent the victory of the mind’s will over the body; and the thin body is associated with absolute purity, transcendence of the flesh and hyper intellectuality. Fat is associated with the impurity of wantonness, mental stupor and mental decay. The desire for a thin body is also related to the compulsive urge to appear unattractive to men; and is frequently connected to anxiety and guilt over earlier sexual abuse. The avoidance of any sexual encounter and a withdrawal from any bodily contact is characteristic of anorectics (Bordo: 169). The adolescent anorectic experiences both her life and her hungers as being out of control. She has exacting standards of perfectionism, which she is unable to meet. She experiences contradictory and conflicting expectations and demands which tear her apart, wanting to shine in all areas of student life, indecisive about which activity to focus on, where to invest her energies, while developing into an adult. A distinctive feature is that the anorectic’s parents have high expectations of her in the area of individual achievements as well as physical appearance, yet have made most of her decisions for her. The intoxicating feeling of accomplishment and control which follows from successfully losing weight often from a diet observed casually mostly at the suggestion from a parent (Bordo: 170). Similar to women’s anorexia with its struggle to gain victory over the pain of hunger, are men’s obsessively painful practise of body building, running, and other physical exercises. Compulsive jogging, long distance swimming, cycling, and marathon running mostly by men is frequently associated with pain, from which they dissociate themselves. The main purpose is to find out how far they can push their bodies. Intense agitation is experienced if the physical fitness regime is missed even for a day. Being the master of one’s own body and experiencing victory over pain takes precedence. Running with severe pain, under the most unbearable conditions of terrain, steep upward slope and heat, are some of the ways in which they try to increase their will to overcome pain. Freedom and purity are attained when the mind no longer recognizes the pain, giving rise to surging power in the body (Bordo: 171). There is a striking similarity between anorectic women and body builders, both of whom emphasize the need for control; feeling their life to be out of control, and on the feeling of accomplishment derived from total mastery of the body. That sense of mastery emerges from two sources: firstly, the reassurance of overcoming all physical obstacles, pushing oneself to any extremes in pursuit of one’s goals, and the thrill of being in total charge of the shape of one’s body. Abstinence and tests of endurance are ways of proving self-sufficiency, in the practise of body-fetishism. The contemporary female obsession with slenderness is connected to the aura of freedom and independence symbolized by the boyish body ideal of today. However, the time that the individuals spend in anxious pursuit of that ideal is actually time and energy that cannot be spent on inner development and social achievement. “As a feminist protest, the obsession with slenderness is hopelessly counterproductive” (Bordo: 177). The increasing prestige that is accorded to men’s muscular bodies puts greater pressure on men to take care of their looks. When hegemonic or dominant culture expectations are difficult to meet, three main ways to adjust the discrepancy between the ideal and the real body are: reliance, by which the individual works on his body to reach the model; reformulation in which the individual adjusts his perception of hegemonic masculinity to meet his abilities; and rejection where the individual totally refuses the hegemonic model. In reliance, high levels of energy, money and time are invested in acquiring the desired body image, frequently with anxiety underlying the preoccupation with control over one’s body. In this method, food plays a fundamental though often unseen role. “Diets and eating habits are interpreted as key elements in the construction of a fit body” (Parasecoli: 189). It is evident that there is a powerful need to control one’s body appearance and to curb appetites and desires. A substantial expression of an individual’s victory over oneself is the fit male body. Desire and hunger are perceived as potentially destructive, and are therefore projected on the outside. The anxiety ridden dualism is “successfully sublimated in the dichotomy that haunts western civilization” (Parasecoli: 199). This dichotomy is the construction of the body as something apart from the true self which may be soul, mind, spirit, will, creativity, freedom; and on the other hand, the body undermining the best efforts of the true self. When gender is applied to this dualism, women are on the side of the lower bodily drives, embodying appetites and desires that weigh down men in their attempt to achieve freedom from materialism. The body which is identified as animal, appetite, deceiver and prison of the soul is constantly in opposition with the divine, spiritual self and rationality. Since early times, women have been identified with the low dimension of the body, which is chaotic and undisciplined. On the other hand, men are perceived as reflecting the spirit. Men’s domination over female unchecked carnality, is their control over the flesh which signifies masculinity. The contradiction is represented in the male body as a series of clear oppositions between hard and soft, thick and thin, and fit and flabby. Unless food is broken down to its nutritional components with scientific rationality, it is a temptation. Among the nutrients, the main competition is between protein which is the building material for muscles, and fat which symbolizes uncontrollable flesh. Carbohydrates are in a middle location between proteins and fats; they are the fuel that provide the energy to work out; but at the same time they can easily fall in the area of the enemy if consumed in excessive amounts. The battle is fought in every man’s body, involving extensive and strenous efforts (Parasecoli: 200). The significance of food and nutrition is associated with identity formation in women and men, who experience a compulsion to not only control their body appearance but also to curb their desires and appetites. A substantial expression of an individual’s victory over oneself is perceived in the fitness of the body. The flesh and appetites are considered to be tainted by a definite feminine character which need to be overcome with control (Parasecoli: 200). Outcomes of the Gendering of Food on Relationships with Own and Opposite Gender The dynamics of food in relation to gender and power determines the relationships between members of the same gender and between members of the opposite genders. It is an important fact that society allocates or denies power to men and women through their access to and control of the main essential resource: food. A crucial measure of the power of men and women lies in their ability to produce, provide, distribute and consume food. This ability varies, depending on culture, class, family organization and overall economic structure of their society. A second meaning of power is personal power, whether men’s and women’s relationship to food and its meanings contributes to a valued sense of self. Whether the self-concept of men and women validates or denigrates them is revealed through the legitimacy of their appetites, attitudes about their bodies, and the importance of their food work. The relationship to food of men and women enables a complementary connection and mutual respect between the genders, or results in gender hierarchy (Counihan, 1998: 2). Since the earliest times, food continues to denote power in a very basic, tangible and persistent form. Hunger is the most distinctive sign of powerlessness, because hunger represents an absence of the control required to satisfy one’s most basic subsistence need. In many countries, women suffer hunger and famine more severely than men because of their socio-economic and political subordination (Counihan, 1998: 2). Access and differential control over food help to maintain gender, class, caste and race hierarchies. Men are differentiated from women, and the rich distinguish themselves from the poor partly through different food consumption patterns. Traditionally, “men eat first, best and most” (Counihan, 1998: 2). Both symbolically and really, the message of male dominance is conveyed through meat eating. Social connections are forged in a profound way in many cultures through the exchange of food, which is similar in function to the exchange of gifts with its pervasive cultural power. It keeps individuals indebted to each other and ensures sustained and positive interaction through giving. More than any other substance or object, food is an extremely important component of reciprocal exchanges, and is also more readily shared. Due to these reasons, food is frequently a medium of exchange, connection and distinction between men and women; and exchanges need to be reciprocal to maintain equality. Women’s responsibility of food provisioning gives them a potential source of influence on husbands and children through the ability to give them a valued substance: food. At the same time, this role of women in relation to food also ensures their subordination through the need to serve, satisfy and defer to the needs of others, particularly husbands or boyfriends. In gender stratified cultures as diverse as England, Mexico, Italy and Andean Ecuador, “men exert control over women by claiming the authority to judge the meal cooked by them” (Counihan, 1998: 4). However, women do not have similar powers because men rarely cook, and when they do so, they claim commendation simply for carrying out the task. The power relations based on food reflect the power that each gender actually has. Men’s economic status is indicated by their control of food purchasing, while women’s duties of meal planning and cooking gives them considerable power and control, in most cultures. Food is capable of both creating connections as well as severing connections. Both giving and refusing can be a means of attaining power. For over eight centuries, American and European women have refused food as a path to achievement and mastery in a world over which they had very few means of control. This is similar to the efforts of modern anorexics who starve themselves sometimes to death with the goal of achieving physical and spiritual perfection. They receive pitying recognition from their circles of family, friends and medical professionals; and may die unless they find a path to the self-esteem, sense of control, and independence that they desperately seek through fasting (Counihan, 1998: 8). Thinness denotes competence, wealth, power, control and success. For women, obesity differs according to class status and ethnicity. Greater wealth and whiteness are concurrent with thinness. As compared to well off Euro-American women, poor Puerto Rican, Black and Native American women have lower status and greater obesity rates. “The standards of thinness upholds a class structure where men, whites and the rich are superior to women, people of color and the poor” (Counihan, 1998: 8). In contrast to western culture, more gender-equal cultures such as that of the Melanesian people do not hold different physical standards for men and women. However, in western societies there are more stict standards of thinness for women than for men, although women have a greater biological tendency to be fat. For western women, dissatisfaction with their body size and shape is another factor that contributes to their subordination. On the other hand, in more gender equal cultures, women as well as men can find self-satisfaction through the body. The relationship between food consumption and impression formation was studied, to examine the degree to which the correlation exists, and whether there were any gender differences to be found. The research evidence shows that both males and females choose particular foods only on the basis of the pleasure they would derive from eating it, the health value of the food, and its ease of availability. The concept of establishing social identity was not found to be one of the criteria for food choices. However, the type of food and the amount of food consumed was a possible way by which men and women established a desired social image. The key was that “food choices provide a source of social information about others during the interpersonal perception process” (Mooney & Lorenz: 639). According to Mooney & Lorenz (p.652), previous research has found that eating lightly both in terms of amount and restricted fat content may provide social advantages to women in the form of more favorable interpersonal impressions. These findings are supported by the evidence from this study which indicated that both male and female respondents were perceived more favorably when eating a “feminine” diet, with less calories than a masculine diet. Further, a strong association exists between reported food consumption, social judgments, and perceived gender differences. Today, the attention given to diet and the effects of food on interpersonal impression, relationships between individuals of the same gender and between individuals of the opposite gender are of great importance. This extends beyond gender-role appropriateness, attractiveness, and even health, to people making moral judgments of others according to the food they eat. The motives to convey certain social impressions can result in harmful food practices. Women frequently tend to decrease food consumption with a view to impact social perceptions favorably. This may lead to self-consciousness about food choices and the practice of eating unnecessary and unhealthy foods, as well as detrimental food restriction. CONCLUSION This paper has highlighted how food is gendered, identified how the differentiation from the other gender is conceptualized by men and women on the basis of food; determined the impact of food and gender on the formation of personal identity; and the basis for forming impressions and relationships with own gender and the opposite gender. Differentiation between the genders and personal identity construction is increasingly food-related. Reciprocal food exchange systems between men and women facilitate equality of power and identity, more than when women have only the responsibility of preparing and serving food. The deep aversion towards a self-image consisting of a fat body and the relentless pursuit of increasing thinness, frequently leads young women and to a significant extent men also, to the psychopathological condition of anorexia nervosa, sometimes with the occurrence of bulimia. In today’s world appearance is considered to be of prime importance in all spheres, and there is a premium placed on a trim body acquired by exercise and food restriction. Hence, women as well as men willingly undergo higher levels food deprivation and the endurance of pain, while dissociating themselves from pain perception for improving their bodies and their own identities. WORKS CITED Bordo, Susan. Anorexia nervosa: psychopathology as the crystallization of culture. In C. Counihan & P.V. Esterik (Eds.). Food and culture: a reader. New York: Routledge. 2007: pp.162-186. Bruch, Hilde. Anorexia nervosa and its differential diagnosis. In C. Counihan & P.V. Esterik (Eds.). Food and culture: a reader. 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