Assisting Palestine Refugees - Essay Example

PALESTINE Historical underpinnings It was in 1947 when the flight of the Palestinians from Mandate Palestine commenced, although the greater number of people left in mid 1948. Those who came from northern Palestine mostly went to Syria and Lebanon. Those from Jaffa and the south, numbering about 200,000. escaped into the Gaza Strip. The Arab population that used to reside in the coastal plains sought to settle in the hills of the West Bank. The Gaza Strip population multiplied by a factor of three, those in the West Bank by a factor of two. During 1948 and 1967, tens of thousands escaped to Jordan1. Thus the Palestinian refugees were scattered through the different locations where their presence is still seen today. In June 2002, US President George W. Bush formally committed US support to the creation of an independent Palestinian state that would be established on the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This was further bolstered by the pronouncement by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, in the 2004 Likud convention, that “If a new Palestinian Authority is established, free of terror, if the incitement stops, the Israeli government led by the Likud will be prepared to carry out its part to make possible the establishment of an independent Palestinian state” 2 In January 2009, Israel ended a three-week military operation in the Gaza Strip that killed 1,200 Gaza residents and 5,000 wounded. During the military assault, civilian housing, public infrastructure, and most importantly medical facilities suffered serious damage, with thousands left homeless. A subsequent UN fact-finding mission recommended that international legal action be taken against Israel and Hamas for alleged war crimes and what may be crimes against humanity; however, as of the end of 2009, the UN Security Council has not yet acted on the recommendation.3 Meanwhile, Israeli pursued a policy of restricting movement of people and goods through the borders of the Gaza Strip, which has stifled economic activity and impeded territorial reconstruction. Restrictions were slightly relaxed in the West Bank; however, economic progress, settlement building, and reconstruction was all the same impeded, while incidences of settler violence against Palestinians still broke out. 4 It is against this backdrop that the case of Palestinian refugees is to be analysed. The refugee situation shall be described by assessing the rights and obligations of the host state vis-à-vis the refugee, the capability and nature of short-term and long-term responses, the role of international civic organizations in refugee response, and the prospects for successful repatriation and reconstruction. Difference in protections offered to refugees and IDPs in the host-State, countries of origin, rights and obligations of the refugee and the host-State Refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) are placed in situations wherein they are not assured of their citizenship and, thus, their political rights. Arab States and neighbouring countries in the Middle East (Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, and the Gulf countries) continue to host large numbers of refugees from Palestine, Iraq, Somalia and Sudan. Many of the host states have no participation in any international refugee instruments; where there is no formal protection programme, refugees usually do not enjoy basic rights5. All persons are entitled to the recognition and respect of their basic human rights, and the same holds for refugees. In the case of the Palestinians, there have been numerous instances of human rights violations by the Israeli military (see picture following). For the most part, it is humanitarian organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the Palestine Red Crescent, the Magen David Adom, and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) who vigilantly monitor and try to protect the public against human rights abuses, and who keep a detailed documentation and make confidential reports thereof to the relevant authorities. The matter of political rights is not quite so easy to deduce. The problem of determining the political entitlements of the Palestinian people lies in the uncertainty of their citizenship, and the sovereignty of their nation. Today, the Palestinians are stateless, and their sovereignty in question, although throughout modern history this condition has been variable. From 1948 to 1967, the Gaza Strip was under Egyptian Administration, an entity almost unidentifiable, being under Egypt’s authority but nobody’s sovereignty. Generally, the people and their leaders are invested in the idea of some semblance of Palestinian citizenship, but lacked a Palestinian state for the concept to be codified. The Palestinians formally lost formal citizenship at the end of the British Mandate in 1948, and has remained so every since. All the same, the practice of citizenship, if not its actuality, has been part of Palestinian life, lending credence to the perception that Palestinians possess a “refracted” citizenship, which looks, for its context, to “a future state and an existing government”6. It is by virtue of this “refracted citizenship” that people have been able to make claims of the existing government, and enabled the government to manage the people and the place of Gaza. Although Palestinians technically remain stateless, the manner in which they make and enforce claims shows some degree of sovereignty, if such be viewed in terms of relationships among people and institutions within a particular territory. This relationship is capable of cognizance by external entities. For instance, in April 2006, Israeli plaintiffs applied for the enforcement of a civil judgment against a Palestinian residing in the territories. The Jerusalem District Court ruled that the “Palestinian Authority fulfils the criterions to be legally considered a state… the PA consists of population, territory and government, and, as it accumulates other aspects of a sovereign state, such as elected political authorities, international standing, police force and an independent currency, it will increasingly resemble a political entity.” The ruling thus envisions a Palestinian sovereignty that will result from the removal of Israeli soldiers and settlers from the occupied territories7 Israeli military uses violence against Palestinian civilians http://www.ifamericansknew.org/cur_sit/wall_articles.html Humanitarian assistance, emergency short-term relief Humanitarian assistance in the OPT is largely provided by international civic organizations such as the ICRC, the Palestine Red Crescent, the Magen David Adom , and the UNRWA. ICRC activities conducted in the course of and just after the include the following 1. Monitoring and reminding Israeli and Palestinian military authorities and armed groups to observe rules on the conduct of hostilities, most important of which are those that call for respect for medical personnel and infrastructure, and civilians, and for the provision of humanitarian access to the wounded, sick, and other civilians affected by the hostilities. 2. At the end of hostilities, ICRC provided confidential report to the Israeli and de facto Gaza authorities on the conduct of the military operation and the impact on civilians. 3. ICRC and Palestine Red Crescent Society jointly conducted emergency relief operations during and after Israeli offensive in the Gaza strip. This included evacuation of the wounded, donation of medical supplies and equipment to hospitals and medical facilities, providing assistance to emergency medical services (EMS), as well as essential household items and potable water supply to the homeless families. Support was also provided to Palestine Red Crescent and the Magen David Adom. Self sufficiency projects, development Livelihood and economic resources. Under the auspices of the ICRC, Palestine Red Crescent and the Magen David Adom, after the hostilities, cash-for-work projects and increasingly undertaken among the poorest of Gaza’s residents, and families subjected to movement restrictions were provided agricultural inputs and income generating projects; regular assistance was extended to the most severely restricted areas of Hebron. This included: Food assistance to 8,882 people; 6,729 received monthly distributions in Hebron Old City 82,592 people (73,615 in the Gaza Strip) received essential household items; 76,630 people (44,994 in the Gaza Strip) were provided micro-economic initiatives.8 On the side of UNRWA, a Microfinance and Microenterprise Programme was established, the largest of its kind in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). It finances over 24,000 loans that, all in all, are worth US$30 million annually9. This provides credit facilities in support and promotion of small businesses and micro-enterprises, assisting in the creation of jobs and to economically empower women in the fight to alleviate poverty. Numerous businesses run by women and the youth rely on this programme as the primary funding source for their needs10. (Source: Mohammed, 2010, p. 56) Water and sanitation. Water supply enhancement and sanitation projects were carried out in the Gaza strip together with local authorities, as well as the provision of medical facilities. Local water boards in the West Bank constructed and/or rehabilitated waster supply systems. Projects undertaken with ICRC support sought long-term solutions to protect the aquifer (the underground layer of water-bearing rock). As a result, 943,000 people benefited from water/sanitation projects11 Public health and safety. ICRC provided technical support such as in post-surgical rehabilitation and physiotherapy, directed in particular to the rising number of amputees in the Gaza Strip as a result of military operations (p. 366). This effort complements the UNRWA’s Health Programme, that provides primary healthcare services which emphasis on maternal and child healthcare, and disease prevention and control. Vaccine-preventable diseases have been brought under control through the universal immunisation coverage of children and women. Assistance is provided to women during delivery, as well as prevention and control of iron deficiency anaemia and tuberculosis among Palestine refugee women and children. Emergency food aid is extended to children and pregnant and lactating mothers among the refugees12 The UNRWA also runs a healthcare program operating through 134 health clinics that collectively receive 9.5 million patient visits each year. It extends 255,000 special hardship cases, consisting of the poorest refugees, material support through its relief and social services program. The program is administered through 65 community-run women’s centres, as well as 39 rehabilitation centres for refugees with disabilities 13. (Source: Mohammed, 2010, p. 56) Separated relatives contacted. News among family members separated by border, front lines and movement restrictions were facilitated, and travel between the occupied Golan and the Syrian Arab Republic, between Israel and Lebanon, and between locations in the Palestinian territory, were facilitated among family members. Tracing requests for missing family members, repatriation of civilians and remains of those who perished, and 4 persons (3 of whom were unaccompanied/separated children) reunited with families or relatives. Education. The Education Programme, spearheaded by the UNRWA (see next section) is the largest undertaking of its kind, involving more than 70% of UNRWA’s twenty thousand strong staff, and more than half of its budget. Elementary and preparatory are provided, and in Lebanon also secondary education, involving more than 500,000 registered Palestine refugee children, in about 663 schools. The programme encourages self-reliance, through vocational and technical education and training, as well as pre-service teacher training, in eight vocational training centres. It also seeks to instil the values of cultural preservation, productivity, the spirit of tolerance, and an awareness of human rights, including the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. 14 The role of NGOs, governments, international and regional organizations, The ICRC has been maintaining a presence in Israel since the Arab-Israeli war in 1967. Its objective is to promote respect for and compliance with International Human Law (IHL), specifically the provisions concerning the protection of civilians living under occupation. The ICRC provides assistance to the Palestinian population as well as monitors the treatment and living conditions of detainees15. The ICRC supports the work of and coordinates with the Palestine Red Crescent Society and the Magen David Adom, Israel’s national emergency medical, disaster, ambulance and blood bank service. United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) is the largest operation in the Middle East, involving 29,000 staff, nearly all of whom are themselves refugees. The organization’s Palestinian chapter was established in December 1949 and has been present for six decades among the Palestine refugees and their descendants. Although conceived initially to be a temporary operation, the programmes have evolved into long-term undertakings seeking to serve the needs of 4.3 million Palestine refugees located in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria. The programmes address four priorities: education, health, relief and social services, and microcredit. The details and particulars of the activities of these two organizations are tabulated in Appendices A and B at the end of this paper. The success of cessation determinations, repatriation and reconstruction. In order to assess the opportunities for success of the cessation determinations, repatriation and reconstruction, there is a need to assess the chances that the conditions that had triggered the refugee or IDP situation in the first place would be resolved and the country be restored to a situation of normality, with peace and order in the lives of its residents. Observers note, however, that options and opportunities for resettlement for Middle East refugees have been greatly reduced since 11 September 2001. Voluntary repatriation is expected to be limited while the political conditions in their respective countries of origin have not yet been resolved, sufficient to allow returning refugees security and dignity 16 Furthermore, in Israel there is an absence of national refugee legislation. In lieu of this, the Honorary Representation of UNCHR in that country supports the national government’s efforts in registering and verifying the status of those seeking asylum. Eventually, UNHCR hopes to explore areas of legislation so that protection may be better guaranteed for refugees and asylum seekers, in the form of asylum-seeker visas, social security legislation, and amendments to border procedures. The following developments had taken place as of 2009, based on the annual progress report of the International Committee of the Red Cross17: 1. Peace process has been stalled with no resumption of talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, in spite of initiatives by US administration. 2. In 2007, through the mediation of Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah, an agreement to set up a unity government was arrived at between Fatah and Hamas leaders18. However, by end 2009, Egyptian efforts at mediation failed to bring the Fatah and Hamas unity government to realization. 3. Peace talks between Israel and Syrian Arab Republic mediated by Turkey remain suspended. 4. 9,200 Palestinians continue to be detained by Israeli authorities, although this figure is 18% lower than the corresponding figure two years ago; administrative detentions also decreased by 50%. 5. Negotiations on prisoner exchange agreement remain unsuccessful. In the OPT, the effects of Israeli settlement policies further exacerbate the chances for an expedient resolution to the refugee problem. The developments in the West Bank that are the effects of the Occupation and Israeli policies are what Bergh 19prefers to call “de-development”. For instance, Jewish settlements illegally build on Palestinian land are located on elevated land, on the hilltops and hillsides surrounding East Jerusalem and Bethlehem. When dynamiting was carried out to prepare for these settlements near the village of Wadi Fouqin, cracks appeared in the school building, and Palestinian villagers became anxious about their homes’ stability. Ill-maintained sewage systems from the hilltop Jewish settlements pollute the Palestinian farmlands below, and further hillside development has cause increasing erosion and mudslides20. Another example is the wall (barrier) between the two sides. In certain places this becomes an electric fence with security sideroads, such as in the following photograph. The “wall” impedes the smooth flow of the Palestinians’ daily lives, blocking students from their schools, farmers from their land or water sources, and families from their relatives. In some cases, if students and parents have different area IDs, they are likewise separated from each other. http://palestine-mandate.com/2007/12/palestine/the-wall-ctrl-alt-delete The wall or barrier has become a symbol of oppression and hostility, and disrupts the regularity of the lives of Palestinians on either side. The perception of Israelis, on the other hand, is diametrically opposed. “While most Israelis perceive the fence/wall as a successful mechanism to reduce terrorist attacks in Israel, for Palestinians it is a clear signal that not only the illegal Jewish settlement policies in the West Bank will continue but that Palestinian society is deprived of any chance of political, economic and social development”21. In short, irritants such as these which are tolerated by Israeli policies are further creating a divide among the two already-politically polarized groups. This further enhances and isolationist regime in the occupied territories, and an apartheid-like arrangement in the lives of the people. Although lip service has been now and again given to the establishment of peace and tolerance in the region, little progress appears to be the order of the day given the present situation. Repeatedly, calls have been made by international civic organizations and their member states for the cessation of hostilities on both sides, however, the prospect of this occurring is not visible in the political horizon. References Bergh, L., Breaking Down Barriers: Israel/Palestine. Network News, Spring2006, Vol. 26 Issue 2, p19-22, (2006) Feldman, I., Waiting for Palestine: refracted citizenship and latent sovereignty in Gaza. Citizenship Studies, Oct 2008, Vol. 12 Issue 5, p447-463 (2008) Gordon, N. Uneasy Calm in Palestine. Nation, 3/12/2007, Vol. 284 Issue 10, p4-5 (2007) Gunnarsdóttir, G. UNRWA: Assisting Palestine refugees in a challenging environment In Couldrey, M & Morris, T (eds.) Forced Migration Review. (2006) Refugee Studies Centre. Accessed 29 November 2010 from http://www.fmreview.org/FMRpdfs/FMR26/FMR26full.pdf Hunter, R. E. & Jones, S. G. An Independent Palestine: The Security Dimension. International Affairs, Mar 1, 2004, Vol. 80, Issue 2, pp. 203-219 (2004) International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Annual Report: Israel and the Occupied Territories (2009). Accessed 29 November 2010 from http://www.icrc.org McCann, P. The Role of UNRWA and the Palestine Refugees. Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics & Culture, Vol. 15/16 Issue 4/1, p83-89 (2008) Mohammed, E. From the Rubble, Life. World Policy Journal, Summer 2010, pp. 54-56 (2010) Nation, Postcard From Palestine. Nation, 11/1/2010, Vol. 291 Issue 18, p8-9 (2010) Stetter, S. Of Separate and Joint Universes: National Parliamentary Elections in Israel and Palestine. Mediterranean Politics, Nov 2006, Vol. 11 Issue 3, p425-432 (2006) UNHCR Global Appeal 2007. Accessed 29 November 2010 from http://www.unhcr.org/home/PUBL/455443a711.pdf Appendix A ICRC Report – Israel and the Occupied Territories (Source: ICRC Annual Report 2009) Appendix B UNHCR Budget (US$) (Source: UNHCR Global Appeal 2007) Read More