Women and Fashion Magazines - Assignment Example

Women and Fashion Magazines Introduction The approach to mass media is fundamentally functional guided by the assertion that individuals bend the media to their needs more willingly that the media overpower them. It thus follows that the media can be regarded as many agents of diversion and entertainment as it is of information and influence. As a form of relaxation and escape, magazine reading presents women with a valuable source of stimulation, a way of keeping up-to-date and learning things. Women view magazines with a distinctive appeal and as a window for “opening things up.” The magazine focus on home and the personal aspects of readers’ lives avails a mirror in which readers can reflect back upon themselves, besides availing them with a fresh way to imagine themselves and their lives (Field 2000, p. 88). Women magazines have a significant emphasis on femininity and can be considered as outward-looking, pleasurable, and informative on aspects of women. Women magazines can be categorized as incorporating the relationship between text, image, and women narratives. The visual impact of the appealing colour coupled with the reading experience (reading from cover to cover) is some of the factors that women enjoy with ardent affection. Firstly, women read magazines mostly act as a window for pleasure and a way of attaining knowledge and information (Yates-Gough 2007, p.17). Moreover, women subscribe to magazines out of pursuit for the processes of conscious and subconscious identity development and transformation. In fact, magazines reading have contributed to the shaping of subjects’ positions and identities (both feminine and modern). In addition to responding to everyday social function, magazines also respond to the reader’s psychological needs, anxieties and fantasies. Some women readers also find magazines as an opportune escape so as to find love, or at least an imaginative space for which to be loved, cherished, and cared for, which drives the obsessive consumption of romantic fiction. As a result, tensions emerge as magazines remain conceptualized as a resource for pleasurable and escapist fantasy or a means of “learning things.” The advertisement presents “a window on other people’s lives” or a guide to fresh, up-to-date, contemporary ideas and lifestyles (Gough-Yates 2003, p. 52). Since the 1970s, women’s magazines have been at the centre of work exploring the function of the media and the formation of women’s identities under late capitalism. Originally, such analysis was anchored in the second wave of feminism and was highly critical by presenting women’s magazines as critical sites in the reinforcement of women’s subordination, cementing inauthentic and domineering versions of femininity (Yates-Gough 2007, p.18). In the 1980s and 90s, however, this heralded an enhanced account influenced by post modernism that admitted the polysemic nature of women’s magazines; this encompasses their capability to underline traditional gender identities. Scholars avail contrasting accounts on how to understand women’s magazines either at the textual level or their ideological content while others have asserted that women’s magazines should be evaluated by exploring the way in which their readers consume them. However, the issue of representations of women in women’s magazines is not straightforward since, just like other cultural texts, magazines are open to numerous interpretations. Women’s magazines, as a popular form of entertainment, forms part of media products that have largely been faulted for misrepresenting women since, in general, media advertising relies on and reinforces the prevalent cultural stereotypes of women. Women’s Fashion Magazines and Femininity The popular magazines are frequently criticized for their failure to represent women in a positive light, despite the claim that they target women as their core market. In its diverse forms, the media is a critical source of information, and it is probable that it has a significant influence in audience perceptions. Stereotypes mainly bear grounding in the material conditions and social practices of the society; they serve to establish the power relationships in society and possess a hegemonic function, which makes women often stereotyped as subservient to men (Wolf 1991, p.6). Ervin Goffman’s (1976) research that centred on gender advertisements and explored the diverse ways in which the media reinforces the common stereotypes of women delineated visual cues for power that remain inclined in favour of male dominance (Goffman 1976, p.84). These cues include relative size, ritualization of subordination, feminine touch, and functional ranking. Presently, some of the women magazines still operate patriarchy through similar ideologies presented via advertising, images, and articles presented in the publications. The magazines can be regarded to some extent as presenting messages about beauty, femininity, and body image (Joke 1995, p.5). Early Feminist perceptions of women’s magazines (and their association between the texts and their reader’s self perception) were predominantly concerned with the mode in which the magazines availed “unreal”, “untruthful” or “distorted” images of women (Lacey 1998, p.133). Thus, the studies called for enhanced “positive” images of women, or images that were aligning with the ethos and ideals of the feminist movement (Goffman 1976, p.85). At that time, women’s magazines were viewed as highly problematic for feminism as they were perceived as a powerful source for the construction and legitimization of gender equalities. In this sense, women’s magazines were not merely offering their readers “innocent pleasure.” They were a principal site for the advancement of self-identity that weakened women’s indispensable, “real” feminine identities (Joke 1995, p.6). Friedan and Tuchman presented women’s magazines as destructive and alienating, and as texts that pursued to divide and detach women from both one another and their “true” selves. Majority of feminists began to question the notion that “real” images of women could truly exist and whose reality the magazines were representing. In feminist media, criticism centred on “false” images on femininity, whereby more “realistic” representations of reality grounded in the feminist’s own experience are presented, while “false” images were illustrations that the rest of the readers passively absorbed. Feminists’ interest in commercial culture has largely focused on the power of women consumers to develop meanings via consumption, the potential for resistance through consumption, or the commodification of feminist ideas. The late 1970s witnessed a shift away from conceiving women’s magazines merely in terms of their “positive” or “negative” images of women (Fiske 1991, p.21). The debate moved beyond the dominant liberal feminist perspectives advanced by Friedman and Tuchman. The theoretical model advanced by neo-Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser (1970) on the notion of ideology presented a new lease of life to the analysis of women’s magazines. Thus, women’s magazines were not purely ideological chimera, but also bore ramifications in women’s lives that were both tangible and material. Althusser stipulates that individuals must be involved in rituals and practices for them to be effective. Feminist media critics assert that, the employment of Althusser model in the analysis of women’s magazines aid women to perceive themselves in terms of the ideological frameworks created amid the texts. The representations of femininity in women’s magazines were thus conceived as naturalizing an ideologically charged image of women and their role in society (Lacey 1998, p.31). Subsequently, the texts were viewed as instruments of domination that added to the overall subordination of women’s real identities. Exploring the Role of the Women’s Fashion Magazine’s in Selling Products Most women’s magazines cover target consumers by availing them an idealised reader- image. Magazines attract audience (readership) by selling them visions on the way they would like to view themselves. For instance, Cosmo, which has a readership of more than 1.9million (89.5%) of which are female between the age 15-44), has content that focuses on sex, relationships, and socializing as informed by the younger women lifestyle. The growth in women’s magazines remains is driven, in part, by the growth in global brands, in need of advertising. The strength of magazines is informed by the fact that individuals possess strong interests and needs, which vary from one individual to the next. Magazine’s advertising generates marked increase in advertising awareness and promotes the willingness to mull over purchasing the advertised products (Gough-Yates 2003, p.53). In women’s magazines such as New Woman, OK, Glamour, Marie Claire and Cosmo, adverts for expensive brand such as Gucci, Ralph Lauren, Omega watches, and Prada occupy a majority of the first double page spreads. This is guided by the drive to render readers appear glitzy and fashionable as the magazine ideology depicts. The magazines’ covers do not necessarily convey glamorous messages regarding femininity, but function as an incentive in reading related adverts in the magazine. Hence, the magazine can be regarded as marketing itself through its cover so as to secure advertising revenue (Gough-Yates 2003, p. 53). In the same way that advertising influences culture, trends, and cultural values, advertising in women’s magazines signifies a utopian view of the world and sells their product by selling stereotypical aspirations to achieve the lifestyles or the looks represented in their texts. The advertisements are critiqued for creating unnecessary needs and desires, as well as non-existent problems to which the product is perceived as the answer. This reinforces the brand as infallible whereby products attain the status of a way for self-characterization and self-expression for women so that women who are wishing to embrace a busy lifestyle and as well be “a social butterfly” purchase the product. In doing so, the women believe that they have moved closer to self-actualization (McCracken 1992, p.82). Thus, women must choose to purchase products so as to define and express their identity. The intersubjectivity or the response to a certain advert owing to shared conventions enables individuals to understand connotations in advertisements. Women’s magazines, to a large extent, create the notion that being slim is being attractive and consequently successful. However, this may necessarily not be the case owing to the disparity between the reality of women lives and the image depicted in women’s magazines. As Wolf argues, one can argue that adverts in contemporary magazines are still maintaining their (women’s) patriarchal subordination (Gough-Yates 2003, p.37). Undoubtedly, fashion magazines, which are mainly aimed at women, feature prominent themes such as female sexuality employed to sell almost every product. One of the ideological approaches advanced in the critique of fashion magazines is that the majority of the advertisements in fashion magazines communicate to women, but exist only for male gratification. It is no doubt that advertiser’s employ sexuality as an inventive tool to advertise. However, this does not align with the assertion that other critical matters of politics such as abuse are not explored by women’s magazines. The core question around this topic rests on the manner in which such issues are represented and how seriously the magazines take them guided by the editorial policy and political economy of the magazine (McCracken 1992, p.83). It is hence essential to note that women’s magazines are mainly characterized by a consumer culture geared to selling and turning a profit from commodities, and whose sales are boosted via the medium of advertising. Women should be more aware of the negative images that the mass media may convey regarding women; in so doing, they would be more capable to distinguish between their real needs and those constructed by factors such as advertising and low confidence. As Fiske (1991, p.124-125) observes that an advert shapes the intertextual circulation of its meanings whereby texts do not simply denote objects but agents, illustrations, and resources of popular culture. Fiske also adds that it is only when the advert is read, and its meanings interpreted by individuals that it attains its “whole” and executes the function of selling a product. It is apparent that advertising within women’s fashion magazines plays a significant role in creating and sustaining the consumer culture in which individuals live. Fashion Magazines Do Not Only Sell Products but Ideas Fashion magazines do not only sell products, but ideas too. Women’s magazines address all women’s issues ranging from fashion and beauty to relationships and may even carry feminist messages of self-development. In reading women’s magazines, one can get two essential messages from the magazines. First, women are advised on how they should fashion their appearance such as how to dress and how to apply their makeup accompanied by images of the ideal-female. Secondly, women are confronted with an astonishing amount of information centring on commercial promotion both in many full-spread advertisements and soft-advertisements within the text itself (Ferguson 1983, p. 24). Most magazines contain a significant percentage of advertisement. Hence, it appears that the women’s fashion magazines endeavour to teach women readers on how to become an “ideal woman” by urging the women to use the advertised products, most of which are international prestigious/luxury products. The media (including magazines) are regarded as the mirror of the society; the representation of the women’s fashion magazines, therefore, can be viewed as the society’s women's s image and reflects the role of women established within the society (Fiske 1991, p.46). Similarly, magazines also connect their readers to consumers by promoting products in combination with the “ideal woman” image whereby readers are expected to suit the expectations by means of purchasing the advertised products. Since women’s fashion magazines feature tens of full-pages of advertisements regarding luxury products such as Louis Vuitton, Gucci, Christian Dior, Chanel, and Prada. In addition to promotional material contained within their editing text, the women’s fashion magazines significantly influence women behaviour in consumption. Thus, women’s magazines do not just sell products, but also ideas. In particular, some “high mode” magazines are professional in their approach to availing information regarding luxury brands. This suggests some relationship between women’s fashion magazines and women’s consumption of luxury products (Ferguson 1983, p. 26). Women’s fashion magazines advertisements promote lifestyle, just as much as the product, by teaching the readers to associate certain brand with a set of lifestyle and social class. The tone and content of the advertisements may differ depending on the target client base. Women’s fashion magazines strength lies in the active way in which most readers choose and use their magazines. In fact, women’s fashion magazines are an active medium in which the readers are actively in control (Dyhouse 2011, p. 44). Some scholars term women’s magazines as a “women’s world” and many scholars utilize the magazines to study gender roles. The women images employed in the magazines are linked to the construction of the female gender. Secondly, from a media approach and according to the media representation theory, women’s fashion magazines, as a media genre, are influential in representing and transmitting the “ideal woman” images to their female readership and thus may influence the behaviours of their readers in self-images creation and consumption (Hermes 1997, p 58). Fashion magazines, to some extent, serve as a carrier for stereotypes, mainly negative and directed to both men and women. Readers of the magazines occasionally develop self-esteem problems as they strive to look like the unrealistically portrayed models. Women’s fashion magazines influence young women, especially in relation to their self image. Women’s fashion magazines have been accused of propelling eating disorders, especially to the young readers who admire the models and aspire to look like them. Several studies have demonstrated that women’s magazines have, in some cases, being the cause of some teenagers becoming anorexic or bulimic (Hermes 1997, p. 59). Fashion magazines play a significant role in promoting body dissatisfaction and the “thin is in” image, which in turn impacts different women and their responses to eating disorders as the readers turn to magazines for information regarding diet, fashion, and fitness. The negative effects of media ideals on body image stem from social comparison mechanisms. According to social comparison theory, most individuals tend to compare themselves to others, and in the event that the individuals feel superior, the association generates appositive emotional state. In contrast, when the individual feels inferior to the ideal image, this elicits anger and a reduced self-esteem. However, it would be naive to imply that women’s fashion magazines are intrinsically or obstinately misogynist since, recently, the fashion magazine industry has revealed its enthusiasm to progress in pursuit of positive change. Women’s fashion magazines are presently showing commitment to hiring bigger models, and not using models whose body mass index is indicative of ill health (Dyhouse 2011, p. 46). Pleasure Effects of Fashion Magazines In addition to containing information concerning beauty, relationships, makeup, fashion, and some women issues, women’s fashion magazines also give pleasure. Magazines inform, educate, and entertain the consumers. Lifestyle magazines offer inspirational articles on individuals who have had to overcome extraordinary circumstances to succeed and may even promote spirituality, and a healthy lifestyle. Despite the highlighted negative influences of women’s fashion magazines, the magazines avail a platform for readers to relax and enjoy life. Women’s fashion magazines do not simply bombard their readers with commercial information on beauty and fashion products, but their content also have an entertainment value or positive experience. The presentation of the content in the magazines elicits positive reaction from the readers in a way for them to confront stereotypes on women (Black 2004, p.42). The lifestyle of most women gets more pronounced as they positively explore their identity. Entertainment comes out as one of the most obvious function of media, including women’s magazines. Reading of women’s fashion magazines aids individuals to make their recreational and leisure time more enjoyable. The magazines’ content is devised to appeal to the lowest common denominator of taste (Black 2004, p.40). Although women’s magazines encourage passivity, their content is pleasurable and effectively amuses the masses in the present day chaotic environment. Women’s magazines avail the audience with some form of escape or a distraction from the anxieties of the present day society. Conclusion Women fashion magazines at their ideal can be a joy; they can be fun and frivolous, and ultimately can be a profoundly entrenched part of individual’s self expression. However, women’s fashion magazines can also produce a sense of trauma that significantly undermines the fashion fantasy. This is the trauma that flows from women (especially young girls) who emulate and admire “anorexic” models for “thin-inspiration,” as well as the trauma that flows from the models themselves, as well as the occasional exploitation. Advertisers and magazines must embrace the idea that makeup, sex, holidays, clothes, and other aspects only forms a part of women lives. Thus, they must take responsibility for the power that they possess over women’s lives via their publications and employ it as such. References List Black, P. (2004). The Beauty Industry, Gender, Culture, Pleasure, London, Routledge. pp.40-52. Dyhouse, C. (2011). Glamour: Women, history, feminism, New York, Zed Books. pp. 40-50. Field, A. (2000). Media Influence on Self-Image: the Real Fashion Emergency, Healthy Weight Journal 1 (14). pp.88. Ferguson, M. (1983). Forever Feminine: Women's magazines and the cult of femininity, London, Gower. pp. 24-30. Fiske, J. (1991). Understanding Popular Culture, London, Routledge. pp.20-50. Goffman, E. (1976). Gender advertisements, New York, Harper & Row. pp.84 Gough-Yates, N. (2003). Understanding Women's Magazines: Publishing, Markets and Readerships, Routledge. pp.15-22. Hermes, J. (1997). Reading women's magazines, New York, John Wiley & Sons. pp. 56-62. Joke, H. (1995). Reading Women's Magazines: An Analysis of Everyday Media Use, New pYork, John Wiley & Sons. Pp.5-8. Lacey, N. (1998). Image and representation: Key concepts in media studies, New York, Palgrave. Pp.114-135. McCracken, E. (1992). Decoding Women’s Magazines, Basingstoke, Macmillan. pp.82-84 Wolf, N. (1991). The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty Are Used Against Women, London, Vintage. pp.6. Yates-Gough, A. (2007). What do women want? Women, social change and the UK magazine market, Information, Society and Justice 1 (1). pp.17-32. Read More