Types of Audiences Associated with Genre - Assignment Example

GENRE THEORY AND ITS APPLICATION IN GREY’S ANATOMY Table of Contents Genre: Understanding Its Nature 3 Types of Audiences Associated with Genre 6 Genre and Greys Anatomy 9 References 13 Genre: Understanding Its Nature The word "genre" comes from the French ( which was originally Latin) word for "class" or "kind" which is widely used in literary and media theory, rhetoric, and even linguistics referring to a distinctive type of text (Chandler, n.d.). Neale (1980) defines it as a set of expectations. It is generally an abstract conception rather than something that exists empirically in the world (Feuer 1992). It was noted that genre study has mainly typological functions. It implies that its principal task is to divide the world of literature into classes, naming each of the types the same way as a botanist divides the realm of plants into variations in order to classify each type (Allen 1989). It should be noted that ever since the classical times, literary works have already been classified into belonging to certain general types. This is seen in literature whose broadest division is between poetry, prose, and drama, within which further divisions are recognized, such as comedy and tragedy within the realm of drama. Shakespeare has initially referred to these classifications as tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, historical-pastoral, pastoral-comical, tragical-historical, and so on (Chandler, n.d). Frye (1957) presented certain universal genres as key in understanding the entire literary body. Todays media genres are inclined towards relating more to specific forms rather than to the universality of tragedy and comedy. Contemporary films may be termed as routinely classified as "Asian," "Westerns," "thrillers," - genres which every household in modern society is familiar with. The same goes with television genres such as "sitcoms," "soap operas," and "game shows." Fowler (1989) claims that while we designate several genres to a various media realms, there are however many genres and sub-genres for which we have no names. It is suggested that the more complex the society is, the more genres may be found hitherto, thereby saying that the number of genres in a society depends on the complexity and diversity of that society (Miller 1984). Genre exists only in so far as a social group enforces the rules that constitute them, signifying the primary role which society plays in the existence and abundance of genres ( Hodge and Kress 1988). Derrida argued that it is impossible to produce texts that bear no relationship at all to established genres, since a text cannot be without a genre and that there is no genre-less text in the first place. (Derrida 1981). To say that the hierarchical taxonomy of genres is an objective procedure may imply falsehood, since there are no specific "maps" of the system of genres in any contextual medium. Further, theoretical disagreements about the definition of specific genres also exist. It goes on to say that one theorists genre may be a sub-genre or even super-genre to another, a case ultimately determined by how technique, style, mode, or thematic groupings are applied. Themes, however are inadequate as compared to techniques and style in determining genres, since any genre may have a theme (Bordwell 1989). Knowing whether animation and documentary films are genres or modes pertain to this concern, and if slapstick is a genre or a formula used in movies. Some genres that may be found in films are grouping by period or country (British films of the 50s), by actor, director, producer, studio, series, style (silent movie), structure (narrative), purpose (to entertain, etc.), audience (adults only), subject or theme (politics film, general patronage movies) (ibid). Robert Stam (2000) has his own way of categorizing films, pointing out that other genres are borrowed from literature such as comedy and melodrama or from another medium such as the musical. Some are categorized according to budget, performer, artistic status, location, or racial identity (i.e. Black cinema). It is said that there are no means by which to mark off genres, neither a sufficient condition that experts or ordinary filmgoers may find acceptable (Bordwell 1989). Since practitioners and the general public have their own perceived set of genre labels apart from the others, a query of whose genre is it anyway is significant to be posed (Chandler, n.d.). In this regard, Stam identifies problems with film-related generic labels, such as extension, (narrowness of labels), normativism (possession of preconceived ideas or criteria), monolithic (belonging to only one genre), and biologism (evolving in a standardized life cycle). Stam furthered than subject matter is the weakest criterion of genres, since how the subject is treated is not given attention by this criterion. Hence, Andrew Tudor (1974) calls this fundamental problem of film-related genre identification as the "empiricist dilemma." Adding to this is that it is often easy to find texts that are exceptions of a particular genre since there are no rigid rules of inclusion and exclusion. This would explain why audiences may tend to watch the same narrative over and over, since how they may perceive a particular contextual meaning or criterion in one phase may not bear the same genre perception the next time they saw such narrative. This is because it is difficult to make clear-cut distinctions from one genre to another, as genres may tend to overlap and there is no single genre present in a film theme such as comedy-thrillers (i.e. Scary Movie). However, genres require a certain relative prominence which are distinctive from the rest; since difference is an absolute necessity to the economy of genre as mere repetition would not attract audiences (Neale 1980). Some genres are more open-ended in their conventions or more permeable in their boundaries than the rest. Hybrid genres exist and abound, such as the generically heterogeneous texts of Journalism caused so by its multiple purposes (Fairclough 1995). Mixed-genre texts are however common in the mass media since they encourage more generic diversity. An example of this is the difficulty to sustain the purity of the genre in television shows since audiences have different generic conventions (Abercrombie 1996). How a genre is defined depends on the purposes of one who defines it and the adequacy, such that if one is studying the way in which genre frames or affects the viewers interpretation, then how a viewer identifies genres rather than theoretical distinctions is an important concern. Genres are seen as constraining authority creativity from the point of view of traditional Romantic perspective but cotemporary theorists, even those within the literary field, already reject this view. From the viewpoint of the producers of texts within a particular genre, one advantage of genre is that they can rely on readers who already have knowledge and expectations about works. Fowler (1989) suggests that the system of generic expectations requires a code through which composition becomes economical; hence, genre can be treated as one that serves the purpose of communication and may even function to prevent a text from dissolving into a so-called individualism or incomprehensibility (ibid). Types of Audiences Associated with Genre Addressing this concern will be illustrated by an intensive longitudinal study of twelve children from 2 to 5 years of age, conducted by Leona Jalom and Howard Gardner (1981) and noted the genre distinctions. The study found out that the two-year olds become upset and even cry when their favorite characters leave the screen and are hence, their source of consternation. The researchers argue that children are already concentrating on making distinctions between shows in sorting out the confusing elements of the television world. They already know principal genre distinctions, such that they don’t mistake one from the other; i.e., advertisements, cartoons, childrens shows, adult shows, news, sports, etc. (ibid). Buckingham (1993), in his empirical investigation of older childrens understanding of television genres in the UK, found considerable evidence of children using notions of genre, both explicitly and implicitly in general discussions of television with children aged 8 to 12 years old. The study generated that the older children tended to identify their likes and dislikes by referring to a generic category, before they offer a specific example. They also appeared to have a broader repertoire of terms or use them regularly, which is presumed to have been found from watching television shows. In the youngest age group, evidences show that genre was used as an unspoken basis for moving from one topic to the next. Hence, if one child introduces a discussion of one comedy program, it was more likely to be followed by discussion of the same sort, rather than of sports or news (Buckingham 1993). As the children age, their repertoire of genre labels increases and acquire a discourse of genre, a set of terms that facilitate the process of categorization or make certain categorization possible. This expansion of repertoire of terms results in identifying finer distinctions between television programs and comparing them in a host of ways (ibid). Alongside with this is some evidence of social class as a factor, although limited, to the discourse of genres, which is exemplified in the young working-class children who have a distinct interest in soap operas. On the other hand, Fowler (1989) claims that genre makes possible the communication of content, which he illustrated through the assignment of a text to a genre, which certainly influences how the text is read. Genre guides readers of a text towards a preferred reading and constrains them from the other possible ways in which the text is interpreted. This is likewise supported by Bordwell (1989) by putting that creating referential sense of a film requires framing it whether as a fiction, a comedy, a Hollywood film, a Christmas movie, etc. In framing texts which genre assists in doing, it likewise assists in comprehension. The knowledge of genre orients readers and viewers towards appropriate attitudes, expectations, and assumptions about a text. Genre is also a principal factor in directing both audience choice and audience expectations, as well as in organizing the subsets of cultural competences and dispositions appropriate for watching (Corner 1991: 276).This proves how important social expectations and peoples disposition are in designing a television show from which audiences are able to decode certain genre categories and appreciate the show. Recognition of a text as belonging to a particular genre can enable judgments to be made about the reality status of such text, basically whether it is fictional or non-fictional. Thus, assigning a text to a genre sets up initial audience expectations. If different genres result in text-reader interaction of different modes, this may result in different kinds of involvement from the audience, which could be casual or concentrated, apathetic or motivated, critical or accepting, or resisting or validating (Livingstone 1994). The identification of a text as a part of genre is important since it enables potential viewers in deciding whether a particular film or television show is likely to appeal to them in their initial identification of the text. This is seen in television listings or DVD listings. Moreover, people tend to derive pleasures from reading texts within genres that are oriented towards entertainment and those which are familiar to them in such manner that one pleasure may simply be the recognition of the features of a certain genre derived through ones familiarity with it, which follows that recognition of what is likely to be important or not is derived from ones knowledge of the genre, which is necessary in order for the audience to follow and understand a plot (ibid). In this sense, genres may offer various emotional pleasures to audiences such as empathy and escapism, where audience satisfaction is guaranteed with genre. (Knight 1994). Part of the pleasure is knowing the genre rules that govern a particular television show, knowing that the story has to solve problems within the genre framework, and wondering how such is going to be done. From these, audiences derive pleasure from the way in which their expectations are finally realized (Abercrombie 1996). While this is true, cognitive satisfaction may be derived from making hypotheses, problem solving, making predictions on the events, and making inferences (i.e., about the motives and goals of characters). Genre and Greys Anatomy The television show Grey’s Anatomy depicts a woman, Meredith Grey, who is trying to lead a real life while doing a job that ironically does not enable her to live such life. She is a first year intern at Seattle Grace with at least 20 twenty other interns. The interns are split every year into groups and are assigned to residents, which often result in having a support system or a possible chance to know the competition better. Meredith was assigned to senior resident Miranda Bailey, who was known as "The Nazi" for both her attitude and work ethic. She has four group mates who are also first-year interns. Their task is to participate in the toughest surgical residency program west of Harvard but their new jobs are not the only concerns they have, since there are personal things that keep them busy as well, but they seem not to get a chance to have them tackled because of their preoccupation with their jobs. One of these concerns is her ailing mother, a noted pioneering surgeon, who wants to keep her illness a secret and which Meredith keeps from her friends as requested by her mother. Some of the characters in the story are Cristina, a highly competitive and driven person who however lacks the people skills required of her to do her job effectively; Izzie, who worked her way up by paying off her tuition by modeling, a beautiful lady who is sometimes too personal with her patients and is not easily able to let go; George, who is warm and kind, with a huge crush on Meredith; and Karev, an honest jerk who is both arrogant and is idiotic. Audiences of Grey Anatomy can understand its genre and appreciate it following the concept discussed earlier. Audience expectations play a great deal in a manner where viewers would not probably expect Karev to be the love interest of Meredith, but rather, the warm and kind George. If along the way, the story shifts its gears and points at Karev as the love interest of Meredith, a surprise will be produced among the audiences, since such is outside the bounds of their disposition and expectations with which they have set with the genre. Certainly, the television show is not intended for children - not that it is an R rated or rated "for adults only," but the point is that since children generally have a limited repertoire of terms that would help them understand the characters motivations, goals and aspirations, they would have a bit difficulty appreciating it. Hospital settings and medical politics certainly dont appear appealing to children, and this texts ("hospital setting" and "medical politics") serve as genres with which audiences choose to watch or not to watch a particular television show. It is however, upon the hands of the producers and the directors in making a television show tally with the textual recognition and genre appreciation of a primetime television audience. Its no wonder that the person Meredith meets in the Emerald City Bar across the street happens to be her bosses boss in the person of Derek Shepherd, an attending physician at Seattle Grace who has just moved from New York City. However, he is a neurosurgeon who Meredith refuses to date because of hospital politics, but with whom she has had a series of sexual encounters during the second season of the soap opera. Greys Anatomy is described as a drama about the intensity of medical training alongside with the funny, sexy, and sometimes painful lives of people who are in the verge of discovering that medicine and relationships are not sufficient to be defined in black and white, since real life can only be understood in shades of grey. During the 2005-2006 season, Greys Anatomy took 6th place among network primetime series with a rating share or 11.9 out of 19 and 16,231,000 total viewers for the first 4 episodes of the second season. These statistics shows that the television show is catered much by American audiences, which suggests that the various audiences whose expectations are hence achieved reach the system of generic expectations that requires a code. The comprehensibility of the texts in Greys Anatomy serves the purpose of communication. Its media genre (drama) is inclined towards relating more to specific forms such as those related to social realism, rather than to the universality of tragedy or comedy. It depicts contemporary issues of modern society in a medical setting, classified as "American," "soap opera" "sexy television show" - genres which every household in modern society is familiar with. The theme also shows no non-sense conservatism (on the point of view of sexist-liberals), as it depicts certain scenes about sex, honesty, pain, and infidelity, concepts, which are familiar in the modern households of American viewers, which even teen-agers have a wide repertoire of texts about. In other words, the television show was able to connect social realism with entertainment in its pursuit to capture the minds and hearts of the audience meant to watch Grey’s Anatomy, taking into significant consideration the importance of genre categorization in the drama which must suit in the context of the publics wide range levels of interpretation. This is probably the reason why Grey’s Anatomy has managed to hold its ground in the ratings. REFERENCES ABERCROMBIE, Nicholas, 1996. Television and society. Cambridge: Polity Press. ALLEN, Robert, 1989. Bursting bubbles: Soap opera audiences and the limits of genre. In Ellen Seiter, Hans Borchers, Gabriele Kreutzner & Eva-Maria Warth (Eds.): Remote Control: Television, Audiences and Cultural Power. London: Routledge, pp. 44-55 BORDWELL, David, 1989. Making meaning: inference and rhetoric in the interpretation of cinema. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. BUCKINGHAM, David, 1993. Children talking television: the making of television literacy. London: Falmer Press (Chapter 6: Sorting Out TV: Categorization and Genre, pp. 135-55). CHANDLER, Daniel, n.d. Retrieved on April 18, 2008 from http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/intgenre/intgenre.html DERRIDA, Jacques, 1981. The law of genre. In W J T Mitchell (Ed.): On Narrative. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. FAIRCLOUGH, Norman, 1995. Media discourse. London: Edward Arnold (Chapter 5). FEUER, Jane, 1992. Genre study and television. In Robert C Allen (Ed.): Channels of Discourse, Reassembled: Television and Contemporary Criticism. London: Routledge, pp. 138-59. FOWLER, Alastair, 1989. Genre. In Erik Barnouw (Ed.): International Encyclopedia of Communications, Vol. 2. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 215-7. FRYE, Northrop, 1957. The anatomy of criticism. Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press. Greys Anatomy. Retrieved on April 18, 2008 from ://www.tv.com/greys-anatomy/show/24440/summary.html HODGE, Robert & GUNTHER Kress, 1988. Social semiotics. Cambridge: Polity. KNIGHT, Deborah, 1994. Making sense of genre. Film and Philosophy. Retrieved from http://www.hanover.edu/philos/film/vol_02/knight.htm LIVINGSTONE, Sonia M., 1994. The rise and fall of audience research: an old story with a new ending. In Mark R Levy & Michael Gurevitch (Eds.) Defining Media Studies: Reflections on the Future of the Field. New York: Oxford University Press. MILLER, Carolyn R., 1984. Genre as social action. Quarterly Journal of Speech. 70: 151-67; reprinted in Freedman & Medway (1994a, op. cit.), pp. 23-42. NEALE, Stephen, 1990. Questions of genre. In Oliver Boyd-Barrett & Chris Newbold (Eds.) Approaches to Media: A Reader. London: Arnold, pp. 460-72. NEALE, Stephen, 1980. Genre. 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