The White Mans Burden by Rudyard Kipling - Book Report/Review Example

The Unsaid Influence of "The White Man's Burden" Rudyard Kipling's controversial poem "Whiteman's Burden", originally published in 1899 was released to the public with the subtitle The United States and the Philippine Islands. Deeply embedded in Kipling's prose can be found the racist politics very common of the era and popular among people who believed in the expansion of white imperialism throughout the world. Kipling's main argument proposes that it is the responsibility of whites in the west to colonize and rule over the darker nations. Inherent in this view is an ideology that was much of the driving force behind American expansionism as well as Eurocentric idealism. This is a view more commonly shared by the opposition to Kipling's piece. A popular argument shared by defenders of the Euro-centrism underlying within his poem argue that it is the obligation of the wealthy to take care of the poor. Many postcolonial theorists argue that the predominance of white sovereignty in foreign lands has less to do with the ideals promoted in Kipling's poem and more to do with the drive of Industry and Imperialism. The only thing that is certain in this argument is the prevailing effect the ideology has had on global civilizations today. The ideology promoted in Kipling's work did not originate with him; he just gave it a popular label. The infamy of his poem is more a testament to the power of publishing in the west during the 19th century than anything else. In fact, the United Kingdom has been expanding its sovereignty beyond its borders for more than three centuries now. Britain has 14 territories under sovereignty. The land surface of the earth has an estimated overall extension of 52,500,000 square miles. Of this abundant surface, The British Empire is said to occupy nearly one fourth. The areas occupied by the British considered to be most unnatural for white settlement include India and Burma; East, West and Central Africa; the West Indian colonies; North Australia; and New Guinea These areas have been referred to as the British Overseas Territories as of 2002, when the British Overseas Territories Act was passed by Parliament. Dually America has been a major player in the game of economic expansion and the imperialism synonymous with it throughout the globe. During the Spanish American War of 1898, the United States seized Spanish colonies residing mostly in the Caribbean and the Pacific Given the tone of Kipling's poem and the audacity of him to send it to Roosevelt and request political action, one might conclude Kipling was well informed about the nature of Filipino culture. The truth is he had virtually no clue about the culture of the Filipino people. "Kipling did not trouble himself any more than did McKinley, Roosevelt, or Robinson about what the Filipinos were actually like. As far as he was concerned, they were a "new-caught, sullen" people, "half devil and half child," and like "natives" elsewhere in need of the strong hand and tutelage of the white man." This is just a prime example of the lack of awareness about foreign politics Kipling had when writing this poem. His ideal of the Whiteman's Burden is authentically American and very different from the European ideals as well. In his essay "The British Role in American Life, 1800-1850," Charles R. Ritcheson points out that while there was a deep underlying connection between the promotion of Anglo Saxon dominance over the free world between America and Britain, the two regions were divided by an American national identity that devoutly adhered to the ideals of liberty. It is on this point that Ritcheson feels Americans rejected British influences (Ritcheson 1974, 577)1. He further points how in Kipling's poem he used a lot rural terminology common of working class American citizens. Ritcheson argues Lines like "Take up the White Man's burden/ Ye dare not stoop to less/" are authentically American and fail to connect with European psyche on the basis of the promotion of freedom and liberty (Ritcheson 1974, 576)2. Imbedded in the ideals of American Imperialism is an aspect of bringing liberty and Democracy to a foreign culture. European expansionism comes more from a standpoint of increasing the wealth of the empire. In his writing "A Critique of Imperialism," William L. Langer argues that the expansion of western white ideals quite possibly had less to do with the promotion of white idealism and the white man's burden and more to do with imperialism. He notes that, "When Hobson wrote on imperialism, he had reference to the great spectacle of a few Powers taking over tremendous areas in Africa and Asia. Imperialism is, in a sense, synonymous with the appropriation by the western nations of the largest part of the rest of the world. If you take It to be anything else, you will soon be lost in nebulous concepts and bloodless abstractions (Langer, 107)3." Langer further cited Hobson's view that imperialism in itself is defined as the endeavor of the moguls of industry to broaden and expand their wealth by seeking foreign markets. He notes that the specific desire stemming from the advantage of distributing to foreign markets is the ability to gain capital off of goods not sold at home. The expansion of white imperialism by both the United States and Europe led to direct opposition by black nation and brown nations. One of the most revealing examples of the intricate differences between organized control of white American imperialism and its black and brown opposition can be found in comparing the American constitution with the oldest Black National contract. The contrast between the Haitian Constitution of 1804, and the American Declaration of Independence of 1776 is a very dynamic comparison, because analysis of the two doctrine bring to the forefront many of the racial politics of the era. Haiti is the first and oldest black republic. Its constitution is designed as a counter cultural movement against the overbearing dominance of western colonization and the enslavement of blacks. Whereas, the Declaration of Independence was designed like a business doctrine; it maintains the land holdings of many affluent members of the new world and provides separation from England, so that the British get out of their pockets. Within the Declaration one sets the initial dividing difference between European and American imperialism. While the Declaration of Independence is notoriously identified as a doctrine of equality, a hypocritical stigma that it has always held lies in the fact that America allowed slavery to continue for more than eighty years after its signing. Likewise, Haiti's constitution takes the position of being a direct abolishment of slavery and inequality in the west, and very often it seems the doctrine accomplishes this task by promoting black power over white dominance and virtually writing racism into law. At face value the differences between the two doctrines are very subtle and they both seem to equally embody the spirit of revolution and true independence. It is what's unsaid, or implied, by these subtleties that makes the two works so contradictory to one another. The Haitian Constitution reads more like a Bill of Rights than a declaration of Independence, and yet there is a certain sense that the constructors of the doctrine are demanding freedom. Many of the mandates in the Haitian constitution are straight to the point but dynamic in their terminology. For example, the first opening statement of the doctrine reads, "The people inhabiting the island formerly called St. Domingo, hereby agree to form themselves into a free state sovereign and independent of any other power in the universe, under the name of empire of Hayti (Haitian Constitution Art.1, Sec. 1)4." This basically argues that Haiti is free from any outside interruption whatsoever. Where America declaration decreed the New World free from the binds of Europe, Haiti took the extra mile to declare itself independent from all nations in the universe. This terminology implies a level of freedom quite contrary to the treatment to which Haitian citizens had been previously subjected over the three hundred years prior to this doctrine. Just in case the message is not completely clear, the framers of the Haitian Constitution go on to note that, "Slavery is forever abolished." While the framers of the constitution were contending against unfair taxation on their commerce and control over their land, Haitians were declaring independence for their right to live free from enslavement. This makes it very understandable why their choice of words would be more dynamic. The Haitians Constitution reserves no space for explanation, instead just lays down mandates. Underlying within this straightforward approach is years of disenfranchisement and neglect for human rights being rebelled against. The Declaration of Independence opens in a more subtle and explanatory way, almost as though the Framers are attempting to justify their actions. The most famous line of the text is an explanation of American ideology, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." This is the core argument of the Declaration of Independence, and the line from which all of the other text, including the Bill of Rights, extend. The irony that occurs can be seen when one compares the nature of the American way of life to what is written in the Bill of Rights and Declaration of independence. The government has come a long way since its formation by the Founding Fathers. With the new disappointments arising towards the current administration, many have begun to question and asses the purpose of the constitution structured by the Founding Fathers and how it still applies to us today. Some go so far as to suggest that the federalists who framed the constitution insisted on limited federal involvement, but the history of America shows this is not the case. The Federalists protested limited government, while secretly creating a constitution that might one day form into an all powerful force. In fact, history shows that every official in any given office usually tends to take actions to increase the power of the government, whether state or federal, regardless of party classification. This is a formula specifically structured to maintain a minority class of wealthy elite to rule over the majority. There are many myths applied to American history. One stereotype is that founding fathers were selfless and were able to rise above the tyranny of their day to advance the workings of Democratic government. Reverence for the framers and the undisputed worship of the constitution are virtues instilled in all people born American citizens. The Founding Fathers were, on average, wealthy conservatives who were actually opposed to democracy. Krawczynksi notes that they often referred to it as a mobocracy5. This perception resulted in this elitist class constructing laws that would better maintain the control of government in the hands of the wealthy, and prevent the majority from realizing their strength. This concept is most apparent when one looks at the very last statement of John Hancock's Declaration of Independence when he says, "And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor. (Hancock, p4)." Here Hancock directly points out that the framers of the constitution are putting their lives as well as their fortunes on the line. One can only expect that if their gamble for an independent nation pays off they will expect to be generously compensated and even deserve special privileges for their extra efforts. All of the men who signed along with John Hancock were fully aware of the risks and the monetary rewards and they put their lives on the line in the hopes of being able to construct a governmental system that would best benefit them as individual entrepreneurs. The Haitians were not immune to this kind of thinking; They had a specific nation in mind as well. When constructing their constitution, they specifically noted that, "No whiteman of whatever nation he may be, shall put his foot on this territory with the title of master or proprietor, neither shall he in future acquire any property therein (Haitian Constitution Art.1, Sec. 12)6." This very powerful because it potentially designates any possible affluence through land owning into the hands of Black citizens, and by inserting this statement into the constitution it becomes very hard to amend and virtually shapes the socioeconomic spectrum of Haiti. But, no constitution is more difficult to Amend than that of the United States. Despite the fact that the Federalist constructed a governmental system which is very difficult to amend, there still have been some changes to the original constitution since its construction. Since the original Bill of Rights was ratified in 1791, there have been 17 amendments to the constitution. This is an average of about 1 amendment every 13 years. Since its creation, the constitution has been used to abolish slavery, give blacks and women the right to vote, and even prohibit the right to drink alcohol. This is a prime example of the dramatic effect this doctrine has on the lives of everyday people. One subtle amendment to the constitution can lead to the entire sociological, or ideological shift I the workings of America. This perfectly explains why in the past many lives have been sacrificed just for the opportunity to propose changes to constitutional law. To truly understand the ideology of the White man's burden that stems from the United states and effects so many foreign countries, one must first understand the racial politics erupting from the nation itself. Its main value can be found in the historic contrast between black and white in America. The opening of Franklin's autobiography mostly focuses on Franklin's lineage. He discovers that he is the youngest son of the youngest son, but more importantly, he addresses a concept that is very different pertaining to Douglas' life. Franklin states, The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, (Franklin, chp1)7 Franklin goes on to point out, very prestigiously, that he had traced his lineage as far back as 300 years in England. Whereas, Frederick Douglas only knows his father is a white man, assumes he might have been his master and barely knows his own mother. He says, "I never saw my mother, to know her as such, more than four or five times in my life; and each of these times was very short in duration, and at night (Douglas, I)8." The drastic difference in these two men is carved in stone within the first few lines of their autobiographies. While Franklin traces his lineage and sets the grounds for the expectations to which he feels obliged to live up to, Douglas recognizes his own faith as something much less prestigious and promising. "The whisper that my master was my father, may or may not be true; and, true or false, it is of but little consequence to my purpose whilst the fact remains, in all its glaring odiousness, that slaveholders have ordained, and by law established, that the children of slave women shall in all cases follow the condition of their mothers; and this is done too obviously to administer to their own lusts, and make a gratification of their wicked desires profitable as well as pleasurable (Douglas, I).9" Here Douglas identifies with the complexity of what it means to be a mixed race child in the era of slavery. He further points out the intricate nature between a slave master and his mixed children, recognizing that the children of mixed origin will have a harder time than the pure black slaves. He talks about the way slave masters prone to being more lenient with their mixed slave children run the risk of having their wives discover the truth of the child's origin. That is of course if the child's father is not immediately recognizable by the color of its skin or texture of its hair. The circumstances depicted in these two narrative biographies have cultural significance specifically in the United States. Many cultural stigmas come into play concerning the contrast of these two men. One in particular can be seen in the class distinction between blacks and whites in America. It is a popular notion in the states that the majority of the black community is disenfranchised, downtrodden economically, and incapable of social integration into a predominantly white America. Kipling argues that is the white man's burden to civilize the black community. Here this concept is recognized as being more racially charged due to it originating from an American state of mind. In the public arena it has been said that blacks who do find success do so through the exploitation of this preconceived stigma by whites, and quiet as kept the others were viewed as the exception to the rule. As much as times have evolved, this is still the ideology left behind by the texts of our pasts, and that from which current cultural ideals have developed. Tanselle's view that interpretative text shapes a place for the past in the present very well can be seen as the act of publications such as "The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglas," "Uncle Tom's Cabin," "The White Man's Burden" and "Gone with the Wind" subtly defining what it means to be black in America. Likewise, the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin could be viewed as a take on the plausible extent of white success in America. It would be unfair to credit the Douglas narrative or Kipling's poem as the two sole sources of all the current cultural stigmas pertaining to blacks in America; but it is one contribution to the body of slave narratives and black publications that have shaped the popular perception of black culture. As much as the scope of society changes, the cultural artifacts of published texts will always be a studied aspect of nations. Tanselle says it best when he says, "I should say, parenthetically,; but of course I am talking about the printed texts of the past five and a half centuries, which will Brantlinger, Patrick continue to be studied regardless of what shape is taken by written works of the twenty-first century (Tanselle, 1995)10." Inherent in this concept is the realization that history is interpretational based solely on the artifacts left behind. This is why Tanselle is so adamant to point out that books are artifacts. These artifacts, as he puts it, are very culturally significant in the sense that they shape public opinion. The prime example of this can be seen in the influence of Kipling's poem on American culture. While his writing or views had no direct effect on Diplomacy, remnants of his ideology can still be seen today in daily culture. The promotion of white authority as first priority is still very prevalent in Western Culture. In fact, the ideology Kipling promoted in his work over a hundred years ago can be seen virtually dominating the media and politics of America today. In Richard Dyer's essay The White Man's Muscle, he analyzes stereotypes that have been enforced connecting as far back as the Greek era, and that now dominate film and television thatpromote the superiority of white masculinity. Body hair is animalistic; hairlessness connotes striving above nature. The climax of Gli amori di Ercole has Hercules fighting a giant ape, who has previously behaved in a King Kong-ish way towards Hercules's beloved Dejanira, stroking her hair and when she screams making as if to rape her; close-ups contrast Hercules's smooth, hairless muscles with the hairy limbs of this racist archetype. (Dyer, 167) Dyer recognizes how the admirable aspect of masculinity is equated with clean white muscle, through its contrast from a hairy physique, which has been racially connected to blackness since slavery in America. He acknowledges the prejudice within this archetype, but also gives notice to the private boys' club-like tradition that has formed from this prejudice. Iin Gamy Robson's Millwall Football Club: Masculinity, Race and Belonging the author shows how Millwall Football Club is a devout fan based community. Along with the understanding of what it means to be a member of a devout fan-based community is recognizing a need to excludes those who aren't born within it and those of different races. This same concept of exclusion based on race is prevalent throughout the film community, and a large majority of society. No group more validly represent this type of organization in America than the Evangelical church. They represent what is becoming projected as a white Christian Nation. Whether Kipling deserves the credit or not, in western culture, muscular bodies have become associated with much leisure time, discipline, and affluence. Dyer also makes the Christian connection that a muscular body connotes pointing out the ideal of finding salvation or purity through the experience of pain. Despite this stigma, Dyer points out that historically body building culture has been an equal opportunity medium when he says, Bodybuilding as an activity has a relatively good track record in terms of racial equality. From the 1950s on, non-white men - and especially those of African descent - became major figures in bodybuilding competitions. Yet the dominant images of the built body remain white. Kenneth Dutton (1995: 232) points out that black bodybuilders are rare on the cover of Muscle and Fitness, the bodybuilding magazine now most responsible for establishing and promulgating the image of the sport. (Dyer, 160) The image of strength most prevalent in the media is that of white male muscle. Dyer states that the culture itself in western society ideologically is connected as far back as the Greek era, when they believed that to improve the physical structure through body building was to bring it that much closer to divinity. While bodybuilding ideologically separates the white man from the beast, the black man is the beast. This creates the misconception that to be white is to be masculine and to be black is to be animalistic. Dyer connects the theme of white superiority and masculinity dominating modern day film by connecting it with Arnold Schwarzenegger and his character in the film the Terminator. Schwarzenegger's films contain nothing so agonised, and he has been cast as a machine in the Terminator films (1984 and 1991) rather than as a machine's opponent. Schwarzenegger, as a multiple Mr Olympia winner, is always already a champion physique; Schwarzenegger's body is simply massive, his characteristic facial expression genial, his persona one of Teutonic confidence; (Dyer, 154) Here Schwarzenegger, as the Terminator, embodies all of the ideals savored by males, white and black alike. But Dyer argues those promoted and cherished within the popular culture of western society stem from an ideological worship of whiteness. His militant and machine-like persona represents the pinnacle of masculinity and perfection. Unsaid in this praise of whiteness is the concept of black. It is the absence of black often that implies it's incompatibility with the complexities of the white empire. While this often overlooked in film, it is blatantly recognizable in the media. There is an implied opposition to blackness through the promotion of White affluence. No media outlet more authentically promotes the ideals of wealthy white America than The Fox News Network. While there is much criticism of the network for being too conservative, it claims to be bipartisan. The Fox News Channel (FNC) is accessible to 85 million households in the United States. They are said to be viewable by even more internationally. Based out of the U.S., the network broadcasts primarily out of its studio in New York City. The Fox News Channel is currently the highest ranking cable News Channel in ratings. It was founded by Australian-American billionaire Rupert Murdoch in 1996. There are very few minority anchor men or women working on the Fox News Network.. The Network has also become notoriously known for promoting issues that degrade the black community in the United States. The most noted example of this occurred when the network referred to black hurricane Katrina survivors as refugees, or when the anchors sided with white children on the Jenna Six controversy. All the media is just a tool designed to garner commercial capital. The image of the strong white male is used to promote this because it is white males who run the media companies. While the tradition to promote white male strength over all else in film and television has died down and diversified over time, if one were to assess the Blockbuster flicks of the late 1980's, they would find the blatant praise of white masculinity through the media running rampant. Dyer closes his argument by pointing out that the White Man's burden today is to take responsibility for understanding his own prejudices, as history as handicapped him from being able to do this. In sum, the publishing of "The White Man's Burden" can be seen as the focal point for a chain reaction of literary influence from which would eventually spawn such works as "The Brown Man's Burden", "The Black Man's Burden", and multiple satires of Kipling's piece. Embedded in every line of Kipling's prose is a disdain for non-whites and a complete disregard for civilizations outside of western culture, and his views were very popular among many Americans during that era. This ideology has evolved into an underlying praise of white intelligence that can still be seen exploited by contemporary society. It can be said that there was an inherent desire in many American whites to civilize what they considered to be savage black and brown nations, but even in regards to the intensely racialized United States this blatant prejudice was used more as propaganda to cover up the real motivation of economic expansion. It's fare to say the remnants of Kipling poem have had a more lasting sociological influence on western culture than any real effect on diplomacy over time. The expansion of imperialism and the growth of big government by predominantly white societies had been solely driven by anti-Semitism and racial prejudice then there would have never been two world wars or an American Revolutionary. This holds true of the American Civil war as well. Even in the case when men are ready to go to war for certain ideals, a major loss or gain of commerce must be at stake. The most prevailing example of this can be seen today with the United States war in Iraq. Many have argued it to be the continuance of the Christian Crusades or a perpetuation of "the White Man's Burden." In truth there is very little doubt that if there weren't so much wealth to be gained on the part of the government pertaining to foreign oil the war would have never been waged. It just goes to show that at the end of the day no matter what two nation's differences are money is truly the great equalizer and the core divider. Work Cited Brantlinger, Patrick "Kipling's 'The White Man's Burden' and its afterlives." English Literature in Transition 1880-192050.2(Spring 2007):p172(20). Cody, David. The growth of the British Empire. The Victorian Web, University Scholars Program, National University of Singapore, November 2000. Douglass, Frederick. (1845) "Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass." Dover Publications, inc. Dyer, Richard. "The White Man's Muscles." White. New York and London: Routledge, 1997. 144-183. Franklin, Benjamin. (1793). "The Private Life of the late Benjamin Franklin" The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. J. Parson's, London. Huttenback, R. A. The British Empire as a "White Man's Country"-Racial Attitudes and Immigration Legislation in the Colonies of White Settlement The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Nov., 1973), pp. 108-137 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Krawczynksi, Keith "The U.S. Constitution and the Declaration of Independence." History in Dispute, Vol. 12: The American Revolution, 1763-1789., ed. St. James Press, 2003. Reproduced in History Resource Center. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Langer, William L. "A Critique of Imperialism," Foreign Affairs, XIV (October, 1935), 102-115, October, 1935. Copyright by the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., New York < http://www.bilderberg.org/roundtable/lhlanger.html> Ritcheson, Charles R. "The British Role in American Life, 1800-1850" The History Teacher, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Aug., 1974), pp. 574-596 Published by: Society for the History of Education Tanselle, G. T. Printing History and Other History. Vol. 48. Virginia: University of Virginia Electronic Text Center, 1995. Studies in Bibliography. 6 Dec. 2007 . Read More