Workable Solutions to Sexual Violence in the Military - Research Paper Example

Workable Solutions to Sexual Violence in the Military Introduction The pervasiveness of sexual violence against women in the military is a national disgrace. Women in the U.S. armed forces and navy are more prone to be sexually harassed nowadays by a soldier than killed in combat (Nelson, 2002). At several military hospitals, almost half of the total population of confined women reveals having been sexually violated at work, and nearly one-third are sexual assault survivors (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Some will investigate the extent of the problem of sexual violence in the U.S. military and argue that women should be prohibited from entering the military. Yet, that disregards the actual and exceptional accomplishments of female soldiers, who have improved during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, largely because of the increasing pressure of the military’s sanction against women working at the forefronts (Carreiras, 2008). Thus, the major question is how female soldiers can be respected while at the same time wrestling with a culture that places them at severe threats of sexual violence? This essay will provide some workable solutions. First, intensify the method of prosecution of sexual violence, and rape reports. According to Jane Harman, in an article in a Los Angeles Times, 44 percent of rape claims outside the military leads to an arrest, and more than half of those arrests leads to prosecution (Human Rights Watch, 2009). However, within the military, roughly 8 percent of sexual assault and rape claims results in a tribunal (Human Rights Watch, 2009). The Department of Defense, due to pressure, hesitantly consented to establish a Sexual Assault and Response Office (Carreiras, 2008). It should be held responsible and afforded with considerable leeway to develop training programs that reform the sexual environment in the military. Further, every victim of sexual violence who presents themselves should be provided with a representative to speak on his/her behalf at the tribunal (Paludi & Paludi, 2003). Second, abolish Order 17. This particular rule, initiated by Paul Bremer, excuses military freelancers from prosecution for offense under the criminal justice system of Iraq; consequently, no American freelancer has been prosecuted for a brutal offense in Iraq, in spite of vast proofs that freelancers have perpetrated crimes against Iraqi civilians and their colleagues (Carreiras, 2008). Third, force the Department of Justice to take legal action against the crimes of military freelancers. The administration of Bush has been largely unsympathetic to sexual assault victims in Iraq (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Fourth, prohibit work agreements that surrender the rights of victims to criminal and civil grievances (Stein, 1999). Halliburton and its subordinates have obliged workers to sign agreements that surrender their legal rights, and oblige all grievances against employees to be submitted through a dispute resolution program (Stein, 1999). Courts in the U.S. have opposed the program’s legitimacy, but nobody should feel forced to decide between legal rights and employment (Paludi & Paludi, 2003). Fifth, make sure that contraceptives or birth control methods are provided in military bases. Several senators, such as Tom Harkin, Barbara Boxer, Joseph Lieberman, and Hillary Clinton, have initiated the Compassionate Care for Servicewomen Act which would accomplish this task (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Sixth, employ additional female military physicians. A female soldier in Iraq was sexually harassed by her physician during a regular gynecological test. The female soldier only began to stop hiding from her bad experience when she was checked up by a female physician in Iraq. Female doctors can be important supports for victims (Stein, 1999). Seventh, promote the leadership of women in the military. Studies report that one of the most efficient instruments for combating sexual violence in the military is an authoritative officer, who executes a zero tolerance rule for sexual assault, rape, and misogyny (Paludi & Paludi, 2003). With adequate education and training, more female officers can execute that objective, but it is simply through expanding the officer units that the military can genuinely reform its organization into one of inherent reverence and value for women (Stein, 1999). Eight, at the armed forces and navy, implementation of sexual violence prevention initiatives is insufficient and disjointed. In order to transform dominant perceptions and social rules this essay suggests that the military create an institutional sexual violence and rape prevention guidelines that are assessed and amended every year (Carreiras, 2008). Moreover, the Task Force discovered that Tactical Noncommissioned Officers and Senior Enlisted Leaders are not adequately provided with resources in the avoidance of sexual violence and rape (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Senior Noncommissioned Officer and Senior Enlisted Leader obligations have to be definitely laid out and support greater participation and interaction with trainees and soldiers, especially at night and during weekend breaks (Human Rights Watch, 2009). And lastly, there should be collaboration between civilian communities and the military. The realization from years of reform in sexual violence policy in the civilian community is that stable solutions should be solutions originating from the community (Stein, 1999). The Task Force discovers that the military have restricted formal interactions with victim support organizations and local police (Carreiras, 2008). The military should abide by the Department of Defense law enforcement concerning the creation of joint relationships with civilian officials for the support of victims of sexual violence (Paludi & Paludi, 2003). Where casual relationships are more suitable, the military should promote and legitimize these relationships through agreements. Conclusions Even if all of these recommendations were put into practice, sexual delinquency would possibly continue to be inexplicably high in the U.S. military, due to the values of traditional manhood, gender equity, aggression, and conflict resolution. Offensive or criminal actions also intensify as missions increase, swell in duration, and result in psychological problems such as post-traumatic stress disorder. Obviously, it is not only the women in the U.S. military who suffer sexual violence. Some U.S. soldiers admitted sexually harassing or raping children in Iraq and afterward killing them and their families. Those brutal servicemen are currently imprisoned, and the instigator of the incident confronts capital punishment. However, for every sexual harassment that is brought to court, others are never known. Sadly, the victims in Iraq have even scarcer legal and economic assets than American women in the military. Works Cited Carreiras, Helena. Women in the Military and in Armed Conflict. Netherlands: VS Verlag, 2008. Human Rights Watch. Soldiers who Rape, Commanders who Condone. New York, 2009. Nelson, T.S. For love of country: confronting rape and sexual harassment in the U.S. military. Haworth Maltreatment and Trauma Press: Michigan, 2002. Paludi, Michele & Carmen Paludi Jr. Academic and Workplace Sexual Harassment: A Handbook of Cultural, Social Science, Management, and Legal Perspectives. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003. Stein, Laura. Sexual Harassment in America: A Documentary History. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1999. Read More