The Sandinistas, Civil War in Nicaragua - Research Paper Example

The Sandinistas The consequences of civil war in Nicaragua still affect the country’s political and economic life. The United States’ interference was directed at establishing democratic regime in the country, thus counter revolutionists was provided with help. The given work will analyze the behavior of contras and make a conclusion if they really were freedom-fighters or cruel killers. Introduction When Sandinistas captured the power in Nicaragua with their national development program, the tension between Sandinistas and the business community, the representatives of which were in government in 1980, began. In 1981 the U.S. Government suspended the economic help for Nicaragua under the pretext that Salvadorian insurgents received weapon from Cuba through Nicaragua. Soon the USA started providing direct military aid to the National Guard that escaped from the country. This help resulted in creation of the whole opposition army called “contras”. At first their government were accepted and then resulted in big economic and political crisis. The given paper will try to reveal what was brought by contras to Nicaragua: freedom or evil. By 1983 the Sandinista government continued to enjoy the growing support of the population, especially among the peasantry and poor citizens. However, at this time it had to face the opposition including the organized business community, the highest Catholic clergy, social democratic and some communistic (pro-Chinese) labor unions, Indians, English-speaking Black communities of the Caribbean coast. The leading newspaper of the country presented the ideas of opposition. Also the armed actions of the counterrevolutionary groups financed by the USA (contras), which made raids from the bases on the territory of Honduras, began. Indians, who were moved from their lands by Sandinista, joined contras. However, different oppositional groups were separated as the majority of them were extremely hostile to each other. Actually, they were hostile not only to each other but to peaceful citizens, hundreds of which were killed by contras: “Reagan calls the Contras "freedom fighters" and has compared them to the Founding Fathers. He claims supporting their war against the Sandinista government is the only hope for democracy in Nicaragua. But the truth about the rebels is not so glorious” (Ross, 1986). During 1984 the USA increased the military presence in Honduras and El Salvador. Military activity of contras increased, and they began to make air raids on the territory of Nicaragua. The ships of the US Navy plying at coast of Nicaragua helped mine the Nicaraguan ports. “Waging war in rural areas along the northern and southern borders of Nicaragua, the Contras have taken more than 14,000 lives--most of them civilians--since 1980. The rebels have concentrated on civilian targets, killing coffee pickers, razing agricultural cooperatives and assassinating local officials. Several independent human rights groups--some of which have backed their reports with affadavits from eyewitnesses--have implicated the Contras in numerous incidents of raping, torturing and killing unarmed civilians” (Ross, 1986).The countries of Contadora group – Mexico, Panama, Colombia and Venezuela – developed the plan of peaceful settlement, the main provision of which were the agreement on mutual non-aggression between the countries of Central America and pulling out foreign armed forces and military advisers from all of them. Nicaragua accepted these offers, but they were opposed by the USA. On November 4, 1984 presidential elections and elections of members of National assembly took place in the country. Though the U.S. Government tried to convince two main opposition parties to boycott elections, more than 80% of electorate took part in them. Two thirds of votes were received by the candidate of Sandinista Danielle Ortega Saavedra who became a president. In 1985 the U.S. President Ronald Reagan who was just elected for the second term introduced embargo on US trade with Nicaragua. In response to this the government of Nicaragua declared the state of emergency, which allowed to suppress the protests of contras’ supporters and accused the USA of aggression in the International Court of Justice. In the next years military progress of contras was quite modest: “it should come as no surprise that despite years of covert aid and training from the CIA and $27 million of "non-lethal" U.S. aid this past year, the Contras have failed to hold a single piece of Nicaraguan territory. Their brutality has cost them what little popular support they may once have had. With the failure of their latest offensive most Contra units have retreated to bases in Honduras and Costa Rica” (Ross, 1986). The discontent with foreign policy of Reagan grew in the Congress of the USA, the countries of Central America began to look for the way out of the existed situation. In 1987 the president of Costa Rica Oscar Arias offered carefully prepared plan, the main purpose of which was the restoration of democracy in the country and the disarmament of contras; this plan was accepted by the Nicaraguan government. The congress of the USA in March, 1988 voted for the termination of military aid to contras, thereby having compelled them to start negotiations (Asleson, 2004). In February, 1989, according to the plan of peace-making in Central America, the government of Nicaragua appointed the next elections to February, 1990. Sandinistas were sure of a victory, however many Nicaraguans were afraid that if FSLN kept its power, the USA would continue to support contras and the economic situation of the country would suffer even more. Thus, their choice was greatly affected by the policy of the USA as they did not want contras to have such a support due the hostile and cruel behavior of counter revolutionists. The Oppositional national union, which opposed Sandinista, the coalition of 14 parties supported by the USA, won a victory in elections having received 55% of votes. The leader of ONS Violeta Barrios de Tchamorro started fulfill the duties of a president in April, 1990. In the early nineties the policy of Nicaragua was defined by generally temporary agreements concluded between Chamorros government and defeated Sandinistas. In order to provide political stability for the transition period, the new government promised to adhere to the weighed approach. In particular it was promised that land reform and other decisions of the Sandinista government concerning property wont be cancelled, and that the constitution of 1987 will remain in force. Chamorro also promised to reserve the command of the country’s armed forces to the general Umberto Ortega, the Minister of Defense of Sandinista; the police also remained under control of Sandinista. Some parties, which were a part of ONS considered the government making too many concessions to Sandinista, and stopped supporting them. Despite the agreement on disarmament concluded with the new government in 1990, some leaders of contras refused to recognize this agreement when Chamorro left the commander-in-chief of Sandinista Ortega on his position. They claimed that cant be sure of safety if the army and police remain under control of Sandinista. By April, 1991 about one thousand former counter-revolutionists created the groups of "new contras" and demanded that the government investigated the facts of murders of former contras by military. In response to that the veterans of SFNO also armed, and some time there was a serious threat of armed conflicts between these two forces in rural areas. In 1992 the government managed to relieve the tension, having offered the both groups monetary compensation for delivery of weapon and having promised to provide them with the land and to build houses. However, these were just projects which were not certainly realized. The implementation of the promises made by the government of opposition soon appeared questionable due to the necessity to implement the requirements of the International Monetary Fund Chamorros administration applied to to get credits. The attempts to reduce employment in public sector and to privatize state ownership in 1990 caused a powerful wave of strikes, which almost paralyzed economy. Though inflation was reduced due to the development of free market and renewal of the American help, to 1993 the quantity of unemployed or part-time citizens amounted to 71% of able-bodied population. As a result of the restructuring of economy, which was carried out according to the requirements of IMF, the opposition to the government, which lost the support of the former allies, amplified in National assembly. In 1992 the highest Catholic clergy, which previously opposed the policy of Sandinista, started to criticize publicly the austerity measures accepted by Chamorros government seeing in them the reason of the growing poverty of the country (Brown, 2001). Conclusion The initial mission of contras was to gain freedom and democracy for the country, thus they were provided with help by the US. “For all its hyperbolic appeals for democracy, the administrations purpose is clear: to overthrow the Sandinistas by whatever means possible” (Ross, 1986). However, the methods they used violating the main humans rights were awful. The main problem was the lack of determination: if they needed freedom or they needed power. The violent acts committed by contras testify that the power was their main goal, not the freedom for their native country. In order to understand this better, it is enough to provide an example of another revolutionist, Che Guevara, who was born in rich family, received perfect education, but sacrificed his future to help the poor improve their life. He died as a hero and his ideas stayed alive. He also was a soldier and had to recognize that the revolution can’t be made without weapons, but he has a fair idea to reach and was ready to die for it. The idea that contras lacked. References Asleson, Vern. (2004) Nicaragua: Those Passed By. Galde Press Brown, Timothy. (2001). The Real Contra War: Highlander Peasant Resistance in Nicaragua. University of Oklahoma Press. Ross, John. (1986). Thugs, Not Freedom Fighters. Retrieved February 27, 2015 from http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1986/3/17/thugs-not-freedom-fighters-pbjbudging-by/ Read More