Consequences of High Incarceration Rate - Term Paper Example

?Running Head: CONSEQUENCES OF HIGH INCARCERATION RATE Consequences of High Incarceration Rate Consequences of High IncarcerationRate Introduction Incarceration affects millions of Americans either through current or past imprisonment or the imprisonment of a family member or friend. As the incarceration rates continue to rise -- most recent figures estimate 2.2 million U.S. residents were in prisons and jails in 2003 -- so do the numbers of children affected by their parents incarceration (Harrison & Beck, 2004; Danielle, 2008). With over 721,000 parents imprisoned and nearly 1.5 million children with an incarcerated parent in 1999, parental imprisonment is undoubtedly a serious social problem (Mumola, 2001; Harrison & Beck, 2006; Danielle, 2008). Research addressing the impact of parental incarceration on children has identified developmental, emotional, psychological, social, educational, and behavioral consequences for these children (Trice & Brewster, 2004). There is some consensus in the literature identifying some of the serious, detrimental consequences for children of all ages who experience parental incarceration. These issues must be identified and addressed as children of incarcerated parents are viewed as a unique, group with special service needs. Number of Incarcerated Parents The Bureau of Justice Statistics in an August 2000 special report identified a total of 1,284,894 prisoners of which, 721,500 were parents. Within this group of incarcerated parents, 46% resided with at least one minor child at the time of incarceration (Mumola, 2001). Of this group of parents incarcerated, 32% reported having more than one child less than 18 years of age (Mumola, 2001) and 37% reported living with their children in the month previous to their arrest (Mumola, 2001). In the same year, 2.1 percent of the 72 million minors in the United States in 1999 had a parent in prison, which represents almost 1.5 million children (Harrison & Beck, 2006). Fathers were less likely to report living with their children prior to incarceration than mother, (47% federal inmates versus 73%). Of fathers imprisoned in 1999, reported the child's mother was their primary caregiver 90% of the time where as only 28% of incarcerated mothers cited their child's father as the primary caretaker (Mumola, 2001). Imprisoned mothers identify grandparents and other family members as the primary caregivers of their children 79% of the time (Mumola, 2001). From 1991 to 1999 the proportion of prison inmates who were also parents increased by more than 250,000. The aforementioned rise in female prisoners has also exacerbated an increase in the number of mothers in prison (106% versus 58% rise in fathers). In 1999, it was estimated that 1.4 million children had an incarcerate father and 126,100 with incarcerated mother (Mumola, 2001). Johnston, (1995a) highlights that due to the prevalence of intergenerational crime and the risk for children within these families, it is necessary to address the problem within the context of the family as well as the individual. Impact of Parental Incarceration of Children It is clear that incarceration affects millions of families in the United States. The rise in incarceration rates for both men and women has definite consequences for their children. Whether it is the absence of a father or the incarceration of a mother who is most likely the primary caregiver prior to incarceration, there are considerable consequences for children (Mumola, 2001). Children of prisoners struggle with issues that impact their psychosocial development. The stigmatization of parental incarceration is an important issue addressed in the literature as well as the impact this may have on a child's their self-concept and identity development. The separation of a child from their parent due to incarceration may have differential and devastating effects. Kampfner (1995) outlines how maternal incarceration further stigmatizes children and prevents them from having their needs met. Being witness to a mother's arrest and process of incarceration may leave children feeling, "vulnerable, and powerless". Additionally, loss or separation due to imprisonment has been socially "demoralized" and is seldom treated with empathy and support from law enforcement and extended family left behind (Kampfner, 1995). Kampfner (1995) cites officers for often being insensitive to children's vulnerability during their mother's arrest. Children are often encouraged "not to tell" by police of their mother's incarceration and/or the children are not provided accurate information about what is happening to their mother (Lange, 2000). This minimizes children's awareness of what is happening and does not provide them with an environment in which they can feel comfortable discussing their feelings (Kampfner, 1995). The social stigma attached to parental incarceration is thought to not often be a product of the incarcerated parent or the child but rather a significant concern for the child's present caregiver (Johnston, 1995b, Lange, 2000). It is thought that this social stigma propels many children and adolescents from more positive peer associations for fear of what they will think of their incarcerated parent. As a result, many children of prisoners are inclined to choose precarious peer groups (Johnston, 1995b) Kampfner, (1995) suggests that it is both the maternal-bond separation and the imposed shame and guilt that limit children's ability to discuss their feelings, which may lead to "acute traumatic stress reactions". In her study of children of incarcerated mother's ages to 5 to 16 years, she found many were able to clearly and powerfully recall events around the arrest and court proceedings even a few years after the events. Seventy-five percent of the children reported: flashback, problems sleeping, depression and difficulties concentrating (Kamptner, 1995). Of the 7 children interviewed in-depth, four described hearing their mother's voice calling them after they went to prison. Lastly, teachers and caregivers also cited, concentration difficulties, hindered academic performance as consequence, however, most of these were attributed "behavior problems" rather than the maternal incarceration (Kampfner, 1995). Johnston, (1995b) illustrates the consequences for self-concept as a "cyclical process". Children who experience trauma throughout childhood develop a weakened self-concept. This weakened self-concept further decreases ones ability to respond successfully to further traumatic situations (Johnston, 1995b). If this process is not identified and these children do not develop a healthy self-image and coping skills, this negative cycle may continue throughout their lives through behaviors that reinforce their negative self-concept. Children of incarcerated parents are affected differentially at each stage of development (Johnston, 1995b). Johnston, in a 1992 Children of Offenders study, revealed 3 key issues for children of incarcerated parent including: suffering traumatic stress, parent-child separation and diminished quality of care. Consequences of experiencing trauma for these children involve: traumatic stress reactions, guilt, for children 2 to 6 years and trauma- reactive behavior and difficulties managing later life trauma for school-aged children (Johnston, 1995b). For early and late adolescence (11-14 years and 15-18 years respectively), the effects of experiencing the trauma of having a parent incarcerated or involvement in the criminal justice system are reactive behaviors, legal socialization and crime, arrest and incarceration (Johnston, 1995b). The effects of parent-child separation include inadequate bonding in infancy, separation anxiety in early childhood and poor self-concept in middle childhood. For early and late adolescence (11-14 years and 15-18 years respectively), the effects of experiencing the trauma of having a parent incarcerated or involved in the criminal justice system are a "rejection of limits set on behaviors", and an early break with parental dependence (Johnston, 1995b). As noted above, women are often the primary caregivers prior to incarceration. More than 70% of incarcerated mothers reported living with their children prior to their incarceration (Mumola, 2001). Because women have been identified as the most likely caregiver of children prior to incarceration, the impact of the child's separation due to maternal incarceration is thought to be great. Johnston (1995c) identifies that in her work with more than 3000 clients since the early 1990's, observations have been made of children of arrested and imprisoned parents. Immediately following arrest, children are afraid, anxious and distressed. Shortly following this, children grieve and may withdraw experiencing minimal appetite, activity and motivation. Others with more outward expressions were found to be disruptive, hyperactive and agitated (Johnston, 1995c, Myers et al., 1999). Finally, over time, Johnston (1995a) has found a shift towards anger, with 90% of adolescents becoming oppositional and defiant and to a lesser extent depressed. For adolescence, this has been seen to manifest in behavior and academic problems in school (Johnston, 1995c). Johnston (1995b) explains how children coping with the imprisonment of a parent often learn dysfunctional coping skills that often lead to maladaptive behaviors and coping strategies. As a consequence to managing parental criminal behavior and involvement in the criminal justice system, these children's associations with those involved in substance use, normalizing and social acceptance of deviant behaviors make them more likely to become involved in the criminal justice system (Johnston, 1995). Johnston 1992, 1993 (as cited in Johnston, 1995b) in one study found that, among the 11-14 year old children of incarcerated parents, nearly 30% had been arrested or imprisoned. As noted, the emotional and behavioral difficulties for children of prisoners are well documented in the literature. Phillips (2002) in his study of youth receiving mental health services found that those children who had an imprisoned parent were more likely to also display conduct disorders and hyperactivity and less likely to experience major depression (23% versus 9 % respectively). In the sample of 258 adolescents, 43 % had a parent who had been incarcerated, 27 % fathers and 6 % mother, 10 % both. These youth were also more likely to be suspended, expelled from school or involved in criminal activities at the 6-month follow up (Phillips, 2002). A meta-analysis conducted by Lipsey and Derzon (1998) identified that among 34 longitudinal studies of the development of antisocial behavior, having an antisocial parent was one of the strongest predictors of delinquent behavior in adolescence. Also noted is that among all youth who will become delinquent, from 47% to 62% will have an anti-social parent (Lipsey and Derzon, 1998). The Oregon Youth Study of 20 fourth grade boys was reviewed by Lipsey and Derzon, (1998). Of those youth who were arrested 2 or more times by 18 yrs, 80% had both parents who had previously been arrested, 78% had mother arrested and 50% had father arrested. Having an antisocial or criminal parent is found to be a contributing risk factor in the negative behavioral outcomes for adolescence (Lipsey and Derzon, 1998). Family Risk Factors Predisposing family risk factors that may both precipitate and compound the impact of incarceration might include parental substance abuse, mental health issues and child neglect or maltreatment. It has been reported that among youth participating in day treatment for mental health services, a strong correlation between parental substance abuse, allegations of child abuse and parental incarceration (Phillips et al., 2004). Phillips et al. (2004) also found that 12.5% of reports of abuse or neglect made to child welfare service agencies have parents who were recently arrested. Most of these cases cited a mother being the arrested parent (90.7%), with 7.7 % fathers and 1.6% naming an extended relative (aunt, uncle) (Phillips et al., 2004). A study of incarcerated women felons found that more than half of prisoners had received mental health, or substance abuse treatment or both over the life course (Jordan et al. 2002). Parental participation in deviant behavior and criminal associations preceding imprisonment may indicate parents' diminished ability to ensure their children's needs are met (Seymour, 1998). Additionally, following incarceration families may experience financial challenges whether is be due to the loss of an income or the additional financial stress placed on the caregiver in the child's new placement (Seymour 1998). Together and independent of parental incarceration, these predisposing factors reveal the context for the environment in which many of these children live. These concerns in addition to the imprisonment of parents have serious consequences for a child and may also contribute to the behavioral outcomes prior to and following incarceration. Conclusion Incarceration impacts not only the imprisoned but also those that have to be involved with the prisoner and all the ramifications including stress on the family financially, physically, emotionally, and socially. As a result of having an incarcerated parents there are certain adverse effects that children suffer. Children of incarcerated parents comprise a large group of children with special needs and unique concerns. Although there is much debate surrounding the precise number of children affected, with estimates of 1.5 million children, the magnitude of this problem is undeniable (Harrison & Beck, 2006). The literature clearly reveals the psychological, emotional, social, developmental and behavioral reactions and consequences for this population (Phillips 2002). Correctional systems should develop programs to support and maintain family ties, since relationships have been so clearly shown to inhibit recidivism. References Dirks, Danielle. (2008) Incarcerated Parents, Race, Ethnicity, and Society. Sage Publications. Harrison, P.M., & Beck, A.J. (2006). Prison and Jail Inmates at Midyear 2005. Washington, DC: US DOJ, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Johnston, D. (1995a). Imprisoned Mothers. In D. Johnston & K.Gabel (Eds.), Children of Incarcerated Parents. (pp.59-88). New York: NY:Lexington Books. Johnston, D. (1995b). Effects of parental incarceration. In D. Johnston & K. Gabel (Eds.), Children of Incarcerated Parents. (pp.59-88). New York: NY: Lexington Books. Johnston, D. (1995c). Parent-child visitation in the jailor prison. In D. Johnston & K.Gabel (Eds.), Children of Incarcerated Parents. (pp.59-88). New York: NY:Lexington Books. Jordan, K. J., Federman, 8., Burns, B. J., Schlenger, W. E, Fairbank, J. A., & Caddell, J. M. (2002), Lifetime use of mental health services and substance treatment services by incarcerated women felons. Psychiatric Services, 53 (3), 317-325. Kampfner, C. J. (1995). Post-traumatic stress reactions in children of imprisoned mothers. In D. Johnston & K. Gabel (Eds.), Children of Incarcerated Parents. (pp.59-88). New York: NY: Lexington Books. Lange, S. M. (2000). The challenges confronting children of incarceration parents. Journal of Family Psychotherapy, 11 (4), 61-68. Lipsey, M.W., and Derzon, J.H. 1998. Predictors of violent or serious delinquency in adolescence and early adulthood: A synthesis of longitudinal research. In Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions, edited by R. Loeber and D.P. Farrington. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 86–105. Phillips, S. D., Burns, B. J., & Wagner, H. R. (2004). Parental arrest and children involved with child welfare services. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 74(2), 174-186. Phillips, S. D., Burns, B. J., Wagner, H. R., Kramer, T. L., & Robbins, J. M.,. (2002). Parental incarceration among adolescents receiving mental health services. 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