Uncertainty Reduction Theory - Report Example

Uncertainty Reduction Theory UNCERTAINTY REDUCTION THEORY In the research field of communication theory, the uncertainty concepthas received significant attention, particularly in the 70s and 80s after ambiguity was identified as a major influence on communication through the landmark work of Berger and Calabrese. During this period, several concepts of the uncertainty construct have been investigated for their role in the process communication, one of which has been the uncertainty reduction theory. This theory posits that, during interaction with other parties, individuals have a need for information about them so as to reduce feelings of uncertainty (Dawkins, 2010). According to this theory, information is especially important for the individual to predict the behavior and reactions of the other party in order for any relationship to develop. Under the paradigm of uncertainty reduction, individuals are assumed to consider uncertainty as being uncomfortable, doing their best to reduce uncertainty. In addition, this perspective proposes a link between uncertainty and specific outcomes of communication, such as perceived similarity, nonverbal expressiveness, and verbal communication (Dawkins, 2010). Nevertheless, this theory has been criticized for being too deterministic and was challenged on the basis that uncertainty is not always a negative thing. This theory rests on a number of basic assumptions, one of which is that uncertainty leads to cognitive discomfort that individuals will attempt to reduce. Primarily, the individual reduces uncertainty by questioning the other party to collect as much information about them as they can (Dawkins, 2010). In addition, information seeking is conducted via a number of developmental phases, which indicate shifts in the type and quality of information the individuals share. Berger and Calabrese offer several concepts that qualify these assumptions (Dawkins, 2010). First, high verbal output levels result in higher uncertainty reduction and communication intimacy levels, while nonverbal warmth in body language and gestures indicate willingness to form relationships or communicate. In addition, information seeking takes the interactive or passive routes through conversation and observation respectively. Another concept underlying these assumptions is self-disclosure, in which the individual divulges personal information to improve communication efficiency by reducing the other party’s uncertainty (Dawkins, 2010). Moreover, those willing to reduce uncertainty will reciprocate behavior aimed at reducing uncertainty from the other party, while individuals who find that they share interests tend to make them less uncertain about one another (Dawkins, 2010). Finally, feelings of preference and approval between parties speed up the process of uncertainty-reduction. Individuals, however, only feel the need for uncertainty reduction in certain situations. For example, the individual could seek information about others to reduce uncertainty if they anticipate future interaction, such as with co-workers. Additionally, individuals also seek information to reduce uncertainty about individuals they find eccentric and who do not conform to their social norms or expectations (Dawkins, 2010). Finally, individuals also desire information about other parties who have influence over their lives, such as social and health care workers. In obtaining this information, an individual can use a passive strategy, in which they observe the other party in situations where the latter presents him/herself in a strategic manner, such as in a party (Desai et al, 2011). They can also obtain information actively, whereby they set up situations that the other party could be approached or observed. Thirdly, they may also use an interactive strategy where they communicate directly with the subject of uncertainty. In reducing uncertainty using any of the three strategies, the individual advances through a series of steps. The first is entry, through which they seek demographic information of the other party following social norms and rules. The second stage is personal, in which the two parties share such personal data as values and beliefs. The final stage is exit, during which both parties decide on whether future interaction is desirable (Desai et al, 2011). Recently, uncertainty reduction scholars and researchers have made major contributions to studying illness and health, especially via the examination of how uncertainty operates when the individual is confronted by challenging health conditions (Desai et al, 2011). Studies that focus on specific issues of health have bridged the gap between the study of uncertainty in the context of relationships and applied health communication value. For example, researchers have found that uncertainty is a fundamental element of the patient’s experience in breast cancer, depression, HIV/AIDS, and infertility. Various researchers have also found a related construct, referred to as illness uncertainty. In this case, the illness uncertainty scale construct is composed of diagnosis, doubts or ambiguity about symptoms, treatment, relations with social and health care professionals, and future planning (Desai et al, 2011). Normally, a diagnosis will lead patients to desire a reduction of their illness uncertainty about what the illness is, what it means for their life, how it will be treated, and how long the illness will last. These questions are critical in the patient’s information seeking behavior to reduce uncertainty about their illness. Interestingly, Allen and Brock (2002) indicate that, in some situations, the patient may get their best hope from an increase in their uncertainty about the illness, arguing that hope is an emotion that enables the individual to look towards a positive future where they can attain fundamental goals. In the absence of certain information regarding their illness, the individual could forge a hopeful path by framing the doctor’s uncertainty in a positive way. This is especially where no answer exists to a framed question, such as how long the patient has to live (Allen & Brock, 2002). A good example for studying uncertainty reduction in patients is a spinal cord injury in its acute phase. Patients and families during this phase are mostly reassured by the specialist’s communication that decreases uncertainty about what the diagnosis for the patient will be (Allen & Brock, 2002). A doctor who does not know whether the patient will ever walk again could increase uncertainty about the situation. However, if the specialist offers information about the injury that places a timeline on the diagnosis and treatment, he can reduce uncertainty between the patient and family. This reduction of uncertainty could also reduce the feelings of anger, fear, and sadness, which will open the line of communication between the two parties, and smooth the way for future interactions (Allen & Brock, 2002). In this case, family friends will also be supportive throughout the injury. In addition, communication will be more direct in order to get more information about what is going to happen next. With regards to friends and family, frequent answers to the negative in relation to questions about what they can do for the patient, because of the lack of information may lead them to stop asking or even stop visiting (Allen & Brock, 2002). Most people with medical conditions also have numerous reasons for not asking for help, including the need for dignity. However, if this serves to increase, rather than decrease, uncertainty between the individual and people around them, then there is a risk of communication breakdown. Moreover, their lack of help at a point where the patient does need help could, in turn, increase the patient’s uncertainty about his/her surroundings. As a result, the two parties, through lack of information about each other, contribute to illness uncertainty in relation to lack of emotional and tangible support. However, by active and interactive information seeking behavior between the parties, illness uncertainty can be reduced through communication about the patient’s health in a fruitful manner (Allen & Brock, 2002). While the uncertainty reduction theory has significantly impacted on communication studies, in this case health communication studies, the theory is limited in some ways. For example, it is clear that uncertainty reduction does not always motivate communication, especially as some people, when confronted by a sick person, will interact with them because of a genuine need to connect with them positively. In addition, the studies that gave rise to the uncertainty reduction theory were only carried out on a specific American demographic (Allen & Brock, 2002), which was a white, middle-class population. Continuing on, the assumptions discussed above are too wide in scope, opening the theory up easy disproval and weakening it. For example, it may not be appropriate when one wants to obtain an understanding of relationships across cultures. In the case of health communication, information seeking may be motivated by attempts to predict specific outcomes of the illness or injury. In addition, where there is no apparent diagnosis, patients and their families prefer an increase in uncertainty, rather than a decrease, in order to increase their hope for the future. References Allen, Judy & Brock, Susan. (2002). Health Care Communication Using Personality Type: Patients Are Different! London: Routledge. Dawkins, M.A. (2010). "How Its Done: Using Hitch As a Guide to Uncertainty Reduction Theory." Communication Teacher. 24.3: 136-141. Desai, Sreedhari. Sondak, Harris. & Diekmann, Kristina. (2011). "When Fairness Neither Satisfies nor Motivates: the Role of Risk Aversion and Uncertainty Reduction in Attenuating and Reversing the Fair Process Effect." Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes. 116.1: 32-45. Read More