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Risk Attraction and Aversion in Adopting Extreme Sports - Thesis Example

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The thesis "Risk Attraction and Aversion in Adopting Extreme Sports" focuses on the critical analysis of the influence of risk attraction and risk aversion on the adoption and diffusion of extreme sports. Risk theorists in the field of sports research try to explore the attraction of extreme sports…
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Risk Attraction and Aversion in Adopting Extreme Sports
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? The Influence of Risk Attraction and Risk Aversion in the Adoption and Diffusion of Extreme Sports Introduction Risk theorists in the field of sport research try to explore the attraction of extreme sports. In the 1990s, the concept of ‘risk’ became related to a large body of research in sport research, and risk became one of the most important areas of analysis in the field. Of specific importance are studies on the emergence of extreme sports, routines and personality of athletes, and risk attitude towards sports (Moran, 2004). Risk is a socially and culturally created concept originating from the deeply rooted aversion of contemporary society for uncertainty. As contemporary society has become preoccupied with safety and certainty, risk has steadily become a sinister phenomenon. Society has become quite obsessed with reducing risk and uncertainty that activities not directly approved by the mainstream society are immediately considered disagreeable. This essay discusses the influence of risk attraction and risk aversion in the adoption and diffusion in extreme sports. In sport, risk refers to the likelihood of actual, physical danger. In extreme sports like big wave surfing, snowboarding, and base jumping this has been assumed to indicate extremely high levels of risk, an extremely high possibility that something bad will happen, and a significant possibility of death (Kerr, 2005). Hence involvement in extreme sports has been deemed undesirable and deviant. Reasons for engagement in extreme sports are most frequently associated with the idea of ‘adrenaline rush’ or a craving to take socially undesirable and pathological risks (Cecile & Laurendeau, 2010). The hypothesis is that risk functions as a driving force for partakers with little talent but a frantic desire to hook up with the image of prestige related to extreme sports. In a culture where in taking needless risks is generally viewed as wild, irresponsible, ridiculous, and irrational, there appears to be something of a pattern toward the growing recognition of risk and uncertainty in leisure activities. In sport, there is substantial proof that risk taking is integral to numerous sporting activities. The concept of edgework by Lyng (1990) views intentional risk taking as testing the limitations of one’s capacity while sustaining sufficient control to effectively balance the limit between uncertainty and certainty. In the literature on the reason for this edgework tendency, the sensation-seeking attribute, described as the “seeking of varied, novel, complex, and intense experiences” (Cecile & Laurendeau, 2010, p. 129), has been extensively studied. Many outdoor activities have been reported to draw people who have high levels of sensation seeking attributes. The tendency to seek excitement, adventure, and arousal may accurately shed light on why individuals with high levels of sensation seeking attributes take part in extreme sports. Risk Attraction and Risk Aversion in Extreme Sports Several theorists argue that risky activities provide an escape from a society that is ever more ‘constricted by comfort’ and risk-averse (Moran, 2004, p. 60). This assumption states that some individuals feel too much pampered by the materialistic conveniences of modern society and thus look for exciting, risky activities in an attempt to break out of too much comfort. As contemporary life “is now tame and increasingly controlled” (Moran, 2004, p. 60), some individuals seek risk in outdoor activities. Hence, the need to take risks may signify an intentional reaction against the ordinary and risk-averse daily living. Even though this theory is exploratory, it appears likely that estranged individuals may experience a stronger sense of awareness when they are in the verge of death or serious injury (Pain & Pain, 2005). In fact, Schrader and Wann (1999 as cited in Moran, 2004, p. 62) claimed that one way of attaining a semblance of power over one’s life is by facing death through participation in risky activities. Another explanation of risk-taking behavior is that it develops from a personality attribute referred to as ‘sensation seeking’. Zuckerman (1979) explained that this attribute involves the “need for varied, novel and complex sensations and experiences and the willingness to take physical and social risks for the sake of such experiences” (Trimpop, 1994, p. 89). At first, Zuckerman (1979) hypothesized that individuals who took part in extreme sports have high levels of sensation-seeking traits and tend to underrate the risks inherent in such sports. Nevertheless, he modified this assumption by proposing instead that sensation seekers are in fact correct in their assessment of risk—although they obviously think that the pleasures of excitement offset the level of risk inherent in the activity being considered. The other theory of risk-taking behavior originates from the cognitive school of thought. Take for instance the distinctive ways in which individuals assess the risks posed by particular activities. Hence Kerr (2005) reported that people who take part in extreme sports usually reveal a fear of taking part in other sport activities which are similarly risky. It would seem that experience with or awareness of the risks of a particular sport blinds an athlete to the risks which they create. In an attempt to further clarify this pattern, Kerr (2005) hypothesized that individuals who engage in extreme sports have a tendency to create personal ‘protective frames’ (p. 41) which endow them with a sense of indestructibility ? even though these frames do not seem to be applicable to less known sports. Risk-taking studies have mostly examined ‘disinhibition behaviors’, which are identified as socially undesirable habits such as gambling, substance abuse, and promiscuity, where in individuals engage in considerable risk and from which the consequences are likely to be detrimental (Trimpop, 1994, p. 92). On the other hand, a small number of studies have largely investigated extreme sports where in the risk is known and socially recognized but the possible outcomes are similarly severe. Extreme sports, commonly described as those where in one has to allow the likelihood of serious harm or death as an inevitable aspect, are challenging activities that involve particular expertise and equipment to regulate the risks or dangers involved (Castanier, Scanff, & Woodman, 2010). Nevertheless, even though many who participate in extreme sports reduce the inherent dangers as much as possible, others appear to participate intentionally in risk-taking experiences in extreme sports. Due to the potentially serious outcomes of risk-taking acted out in extreme sports, it is essential to learn about the individual differences that could encourage some individuals to take on such activities. Personality is a major determinant of attraction and aversion to risks, and cautiousness, extraversion, and neuroticism are the most researched personality variables in this field. Among these three personality attributes, extraversion and neuroticism produce unclear results (Castanier et al., 2010). For instance, even though several studies found out a positive correlation between risky health practices and extraversion, others found out the reverse correlation in the same area. The same discrepancies are observed in findings on neuroticism: numerous researchers reported that individuals who are highly neurotic are more likely to engage in risky health practices and are more prone to accidents; other researchers demonstrated that certain aspects of neuroticism such as anxiety are negatively correlated to risk-taking behaviors (Castanier et al., 2010). Such ambiguous findings are probably due to the intricacy of personality, particularly the complex nature of several personality variables, especially as they relate to perception of risk. For instance, even though the positive emotion of outgoing individuals may lessen the possibility of their risk-taking, they could also participate in risky activities to attain their desired intensity of excitement or stimulation (Goma, 1991). Hence, extraversion can be related to both a boost and decline in the inclination to take risk. There are comparable intricacies between risk and neuroticism. For instance, some aspects of neuroticism such as depression may encourage a person to avoid risky activities, as they may be seen as demanding and traumatic experiences the neurotic will feel incapable of dealing with (Goma, 1991). On the contrary, neurotic people may engage in risky activities to cope with feelings of discomfort and anxiety. According to Slanger and Rudestam (1997), the instantaneous feelings they experience could be a means to ward off undesirable emotions, at least for the short term. Contrary to neuroticism and extraversion, cautiousness constantly yields the tendency to avoid risks. The description of cautiousness involves several various features: forethought, self-control, conformity, harmony, and competence. There are proofs these personality attributes are compatible with healthy behaviors and greater levels of physical and mental health. On the contrary, the absence of cautiousness is associated with heightened risk-taking behavior (Castanier et al., 2010). Studies have demonstrated that people who have low levels of cautiousness are more vulnerable to risky sexual practices, alcoholism, drug abuse, and irresponsible driving. A number of related characteristics of people who have low levels of cautiousness like recklessness, negligence, and impulsivity may shed light on the negative correlation between risk-taking behaviors and cautiousness (Castanier et al., 2010). Nevertheless, although for some people the original intention to engage in extreme sports could be about the exhilaration, prestige, and risk of these activities, there are findings that show that purposes evolve with continuous participation. Slanger and Rudestam (1997), for instance, did not uncover any correlation between sensation-seeking behaviors and veteran sports enthusiasts which they claimed substantiated the finding that ‘maximizing risk is not the goal of their activities’ (Brymer, 2010, 5). Ogilvie (1974) discovered that veteran sports enthusiasts exhibited modest fear and a high level of emotional control. They showed self-discipline and were viewed to be flexible, active, and creative. Goma (1991) discovered that rock climbers or mountaineers show high levels of extraversion and low levels of neuroticism. Risk takers are also normally more stress-free than their risk-averse counterparts (Slanger & Rudestam, 1997). Possibly not the usual personality traits of a person who would desire to engage recklessly in risky activities because of a pathological disorder. Any belief that extreme sports participants may engage in risky activities through overconfidence would be incorrect (Brymer, 2010, p. 5): It is one thing to risk overconfidence while making a $2 lottery bet, where little is risked on the outcome, and quite another to trust your life to a potentially fatal and frightening behavior without carefully weighing the outcomes. Pain and Pain (2005) claimed that those who engage in extreme sports are self-conscious, highly equipped, well educated, cautious, and choose to stay in control (Brymer, 2010, p. 5): Despite the public’s perception, extreme sports demand perpetual care, high degrees of training and preparation, and, above all, discipline and control. Most of those involved are well-aware of their strengths and limitations in the face of clear dangers. Findings of extensive research in climbers suggest that the individuals do not want to put their lives in danger by going beyond personal capabilities. Researchers have also reported that those who participate in extreme sports are not disposed to seek disorderliness or uncertainty. For instance, the research by Celsi and colleagues (1993) mentioned several cases of prominent extreme sport enthusiasts who believed that they engaged in such risky activities well within the confines of their abilities. The tendency was to postpone participation if they thought that the confines of their control were being stretched out. Pain and Pain (2005) saw that sports participants spend significant amount of effort, time, and resources to acquire expertise and a profound knowledge of their specific activity and also perform thorough preparation. They purposefully become highly knowledgeable of all the factors such as the weather, their gears, and the environment. In a nutshell, the established theoretical model of extreme sports has explained that engagement in such activities is entirely about risk. Researchers have attempted to examine this observable fact as either psychologically or sociologically influenced. Those who participate in extreme sports are assumed to be self-deceivers seeking adventures and risks. Nevertheless, there are also several findings that demonstrate that such ideas may not be entirely correct. For instance, several personality attributes seem to show that extreme sports participants have high levels of self-discipline, control, and a sense of reality. Discussion and Conclusions Major extreme sports news reports focus on accidents. Extreme sports usually occur in places where in the catastrophic outcomes of some forms of misfortune or mistake are dramatically apparent. Given the connection of risk to extreme sports, the popularity of the risk model is expected. It is simple to shift from the assumption that risk and extreme sports are indivisible from the assumption that the appeal of extreme sports must be rooted in the risks tied to them. Nevertheless, to do so would be erroneous. It is inaccurate to assume that risk is an inevitable element of extreme sports, that it is the major essence of these activities, or that this is the motive of those who engage in them. Assumptions that the main essence of extreme sports is to experience uncertainty, danger, or risk should be substantiated by a different form of explanation. One way to explain the phenomenon in this case is to determine what purpose risks fulfils in the pleasures that partakers in extreme sports believe they would get. If it is true that the pleasures that pull individuals to extreme sports are directly generated by the existence of risk, then it appears that risk could be the essence of such activities. Otherwise, the risk-attraction, risk-aversion model is not likely to explain the widespread adoption and diffusion of extreme sports. To shed light on the risk model further, the argument is that extreme sports participants are lured by the risk posed by such activities, or the pleasures that are a direct outcome of the dangers involved. According to Celsi and colleagues (1993), this rules out incentives concerning prestige or monetary reward for performing highly dangerous activities. However, the question of whether risk is the main essence of extreme sports, or the main source of the rewards remains unclear. The issue is whether these are immediate outcomes of risk, or, rather, of other features of the activities. In extreme sports, the fraction of time invested in internal rewards immediately reliant on risk is substantial. Acquiring the expertise to take part in extreme sports necessitates substantial effort, time, and resources, but individuals commit themselves to these activities. If it were mainly risk that these people were looking for, there are definitely simpler and handier ways to get it. If adrenaline rush associated with risk are what participants are expecting to get, there are numerous ways easier than extreme sports. Moreover, any quick research of extreme sports participants will reveal that majority of them spend substantial effort into reducing rather than increasing risks inherent in their activities. Extreme sports participants invest a great deal of their time and effort in the very difficult task of minimizing the risks posed by very dangerous situations by making use of equipment or by enhancing their expertise and knowledge. In addition, the emphasis on particular activities being risk-directed could be more of a role of a contemporary sinister risk aversion or compulsive yearning to be ‘freed’ from risk. The concept of risk has constantly been a part of human existence; it is only quite lately that the absence of certainty and the desire to control or acquire power over one’s environment has been rigidly interpreted as a concept and classified as something out of the ordinary or abnormal. This essay demonstrates that involvement in extreme sports is not only about a need to experience risks. In fact, participation in extreme sports could be influenced by numerous aspects that have been taken for granted because of the emphasis on risk. References Brymer, E. (2010). Risk and extreme sports: A phenomenological perspective. Annals of Leisure Research, 13(1/2), 218-239. Castanier, C., Scanff, C., & Woodman, T. (2010). Who takes risks in high-risk sports? A typological personality approach. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 81(4), 478+ Cecile, M., & Laurendeau, J. (2010). Are perceived comparative risks realistic among high-risk sports participants? International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 8(2), 129+ Celsi, R., Rose, R.L., & Leigh, T.W. (1993). An exploration of high-risk leisure consumption through skydiving. Journal of Consumer Research, 20, 1-23. Goma, M. (1991). Personality profiles of subjects engaged in high physical risk sports. Personality and Individual Differences, 12(10), 1087-1093. Kerr, J.H. (2005). Rethinking aggression and violence in sport. New York, NY: Routledge. Lyng, S.G. (1990). Edgework: A social psychological analysis of voluntary risk-taking. American Journal of Sociology, 95, 851-886. Moran, A. (2004). Sport and exercise psychology: a critical introduction. New York, NY: Routledge. Ogilvie, B. (1974). The sweet psychic jolt of danger. Psychology Today, 88-94. Pain, M.T.G., & Pain, M.A. (2005). Essay: Risk taking in sport. The Lancet, 366(1), S33-S34. Slanger, E., & Rudestam, K.E. (1997). Motivation and disinhibition in high risk sports: sensation seeking and self-efficacy. Journal of Research in Personality, 31, 355-374. Trimpop, R.M. (1994). The Psychology of risk taking behavior. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company. Zuckerman, M.V. (1979). Sensation seeking: Beyond optimal levels of arousal. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Read More
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