Feminist Media in the Middle East - Essay Example

?Female Media in the Middle East Sakr (2004) argues in Women and Media in the Middle East that historically and in general, elitist governments have utilized popular media to convey Nationalist sentiment. Furthermore, Government-owned media outlets until 1990, precluded the broadcasting of political opposition, freedom of expression, and refused to provide media space for the purpose of debating popular topics (Sakr, 3). Although Sakr, in this instance, is particularly referring to the media climate in Saudi Arabia, she also notes that historically, media production in the Middle East generally has been fraught with contention immersed in propaganda and contributed to inequalities along gender lines (Sakr, 3). I. A Brief History of Media in the Middle East and the Origins of the Female Presence From a historical standpoint though, Middle Eastern media dates back to the early 1800s. During the times of the Ottoman Empire and Qajar Iran to name but a few, media in official and private arenas began to take shape (Fortna, 97). Although Middle Eastern media at this time was largely financed by subscription and advertisements, it became a popular tool in the transmission and dissemination of cultural/technical works – largely aided by the newly imported printing technologies from European nations (Fortna, 97). However, it wasn’t until the early 20th century when media became a professional occupation, that the power of media (writing, journalism, and illustrations) was fully harnessed. By 1925, print and roving journalists had begun creating teams, to comment on the popular media of the day – radio and cinema (Fortna, 97). Regarding the first notable female presence in Middle Eastern media, it appears that this is not well documented and varies greatly depending on the type of media. For example, since the inception of Aziza Amir’s first Arabic feature length film in 1927, females have been permitted to make and direct films (Skilli, 48). Filmmaking has offered women (feminist or otherwise) to encapsulate the complexities of female realities and offer a somewhat covert challenge to the dominant view of the female role – for example, Abnoudi’s 1971 file (Horse of Mud), encouraged Middle Eastern people to consider the impact of gender roles and socioeconomic class on the daily lives of Middle Eastern women (Skilli, 48). Critical feminist films that overtly challenge the dominant order are still subject to censorship in the Middle East to this day. For example, when Tahmineh Milani’s feminist film, roughly translated as the “Hidden Half” was introduced to the public in 2001, she was both arrested and then interrogated (Skilli, 49). Women did not become notable in the establishment of publishing houses until the 1980s, when Iranian feminist Shahla Lahiji became the first publishing house owner. Following this, several other women were able to establish publishing houses, and put women’s issues in the public arena for the first time (Skalli, 45). Females did not appear in contemporary journalism in the Middle East until the 1980s – and faced dual threats: from religious quarters and from censorship of the semi-military government when publishing materials that aimed to discuss women’s rights, women’s issues, or any other topic that threatened the prevailing order (Skalli, 41). Sakh (2004) argues that even when women were/are afforded the necessary freedom to participate in mass media outlets in the Middle East, there is no guarantee that they support feminist causes, or aim to promote discussion of issues relevant to women (Sakr, 8). In fact, female illiteracy is a major Middle Eastern issue, which serves to promote compliance with the dominant system, preempt challenges to it, and keep women in a subordinate position (Sakr, 8; Skalli, 41). Regarding female appearance on television, much progress has been made in the past 30 years. Notably, Jordon’s most prominent female reporter, Rana Husseini, and Algerian reporter Horia Saihi, have constructed stories on the female experience of war and also exposed the prominence of “Honor” crimes. Public exposure to these issues has created some discussion in the general arena of issues pertaining directly to females (Skalli, 3). That is not to say that female journalists are acting freely in these areas, and discussion of female issues is viewed as a heroic act in most areas. In Algeria, the culling of female media representatives who choose to speak out against the dominant order is seen as jihad, and permissible to the rulers of this country and many others (Skalli, 4). II. Reasons for Increasing Female Production in Media There are many reasons why Middle Eastern female media presence and feminism has increased so rapidly over the past three decades. One of these reasons is decimation of the male population through war and political unrest. The turbulence of relations in the Middle East has meant that men, historically heads of the household, have been taken away from their families – essentially leaving women with more freedom, responsibility, and power in the home (Fernea, 188). Furthermore, women have been forced into the workplace by the absence of men, meaning growing roles in economic and political arenas. A second reason, is the prevalence of male migrant workers – often forced to take jobs away from the home, in areas like Turkey and Yemen, but to name a few (Fernea, 188). Women have been forced to fill the void, and have again become more adept at making money, more confident in their abilities to support families, and more aware of the challenges facing women/gender inequalities. A third reason has been increased literacy rates and educational opportunities for women. Traditionally, and although Middle Eastern women typically fulfill child-rearing, nursing, and agricultural roles, the shifting political landscape, fueled by Western pressure, Nationalist governments, and an escape from colonial rule, had led to an increased access to information for women (Fernea, 189). Although there is some variability between Middle Eastern countries in terms of literacy rates, it is notable that in 1970, 2% of Saudi Arabian women were educated and by 1990, this figure had increased to 48% (Fernea, 189). A fourth reason for increased female presence in Middle Eastern media is economics and a lack of available people to fill occupational roles – possibly due to the reasons outlined above. The idea that women should remain in the home is only emphasized when there is an abundance of available labor, and discounted when women are needed to fulfill occupations. Women, when economic changes of this nature occurred, and happier with their newfound roles, have been reluctant to relinquish power back to men and retreat to the home – in essence, having experienced a new way of life, women in increasing numbers are refusing to passively accept the old older (Fernea, 191). Finally, political and economic pressure imposed by the American occupation of Iraq, and accusations that the Saudi government in particular, has failed to enact gender equality, led to the Saudi government reluctantly signing a United Nations Treaty to guarantee gender equality (Sahr, 3). Naturally, and for all of these reasons, female presence in the media has vastly increased over the past three decades. III. Changing Media Roles for Arabic Women Typically, degrees and courses in mass communication have been closed to women in Saudi Arabia, meaning that women were demoted to media jobs with few prospects and no guarantee of longevity – the signing of the UN Treaty has challenged this (Sakr, 3). However, not being permitted to drive and being denied entry to news conferences has constituted a barrier to female journalism (Rahbani, 6). A whole body of research exists to show that women prior to 1980 featured sparsely in Middle Eastern media. In 2000, a Global Media Monitoring Project revealed that only 10% of Middle Eastern media focused on women, and that this 10% represented beauty concerns and child-rearing concerns (Sakr, 2006). When other feminist topics were broached, they were written by men, and from the male perspective (Sakr, 2). This data served as a basis for feminist activism – notably, the 1999 establishment of the Arab Women’s Media Center, which aimed to train and establish female journalists. Recently, competition for television viewers has been cited as one reason for growing female presence in Middle Eastern media – women, judged by onscreen time, ability to interrupt males, and amount of lines, feature increasingly (Sakr, 9). The popularity of talk shows, featuring live discussion among women in Saudi Arabia, which attract huge audiences, and the revenue generated from this, has led to a burgeoning number of such shows (Sakr, 12). Although women are being given greater media coverage, it is estimated currently, men are relied on as expert journalists on matter such as politics, economics, and sports. Female newscasters tend to report on accidents, traumas, and violence (Rahani, 5). Female newsmakers dominate on stories pertaining to students (51%) and homemakers (75%), and overall in Egyptian media specifically, 40 women and 260 men had leading roles (Rahani, 6). Thus, and despite making considerable media progress in terms of visibility, women are consulted as experts in only 17% of media and as spokespersons in 14% of cases, despite women appearing prominently among the top 5 popular newscasters. In films, women are most commonly portrayed as sex objects, homemakers, having no occupation, and participating in violence and deceit (Rahani, 5, Sakr, 4). IV. The Use of Media By Arab Women to Discuss Important Causes Arab women have increasingly used media to discuss important causes, but are still subject to much censorship. Women have begun to challenge popular stereotypes sexualizing females in Middle Eastern countries, by subtly showing different sides of the female psyche in films and on satellite television (Rahani, 2). Although Arab women have had to proceed with caution in this regard, and many filmmakers have been censored, there has still been some advancement in the ability to discuss previously taboo topics, for example, reproduction and female genital mutilation (Skalli, 34). In Iran, Zanan has become an increasingly secular publication (and a popular one), which contests areas like political participation, law, family relations, gender equality, and the role of women in Islam (Sakr, 31). This thrusting of these issues into public consciousness has created a new norm – the expectation that issues relating to women can and will be discussed. In Saudi Arabia, a small show called “Women Speak” was available for those able to pay for it on television. Of radio shows, only a few focus exclusively on women’s issues, are free, and are in Arabic. However, these shows are popular and serve to unite women (Sakr, 23). Overall, the International Federation of Journalists did not begin to address women’s issues until 2001, at its conference. Although many Middle Eastern nations are not members, the ones that are members have adopted guidelines that state that women’s issues should be more prevalent in the media (Sakr, 10). V. Cyberspace and New Technology as the Basis for Self-Expression Increasingly, and although access to the Internet is only available to less than 10% of all Middle Eastern females, cyberspace has offered a new avenue for self-expression and feminist action (Stephan, 2). Most cyber-feminists appear to be educated, upper class, professional women, who are versed in English – the predominant language in cyberspace (Stephan, 3). The Arab Women’s Solidarity Association United (ASWA), established in 1999 aims to “create alternative discursive spaces, where it is possible to redefine patriarchal gender roles” (Stephan, 5). This association and others have established blogs, listservs, and websites to raise female conscientiousness, research gender inequality, improve women’s conditions, highlight injustices, and engage in grassroots mobilization for women in all Arabian countries (Stephan, 6). Men in most cases are only permitted to join the sites if a female is willing to sponsor them, and women are encouraged to exchange information and ideas with women from all over the world. Regarding social networking sites (SNS), a 2009 study revealed that younger Saudi females are joining groups and communicating on Facebook in increasing numbers. The main reasons for joining are to contact friends, take quizzes, self-disclose, and join groups, and some of the positive effects are increased confidence and connection (Al-Saggaf, 2). Regarding SNS and politics, Abdel Fattah, an Egyptian political activist has gained popularity through “Tweet Nadwa,” a Twitter forum, which instructs Middle Eastern people on how to vote. She also gained 74,000+ fans on Facebook, orchestrated a political protest, and has been named in the Top 100 Arab Women (Qayyum, 1). Bahraini journalist Lamees Dhaif claims to be beyond the censorship of her government, due to her 60,000+ Twitter followers (only 12,000 copies of the biggest newspaper are sold daily) and her 45,000+ website subscribers. She claims to be using media to make others “more outspoken.” Danya Bashir, who is described as a Libyan cyberactivist and feminist, has proclaimed herself to be the First Female Libyan President, due to the work she has done in informing journalists and political activists about conditions in the country via Twitter (Radsch). Overall, Eltahawy (2008) suggests that new technologies serve to connect the oppressed (women), mobilize them to seek change, and provide the space to do so – despite this space seldom being available in the real world (Eltahawy, 71). VI. Award-Winning Female Media Representatives The awarding of media prizes to Middle Eastern females has only recently become more acceptable. In 2008, Syrian director Manal Salhya came first in the television category of the Dubai Lynx Awards with her documentary “The Turning Point,” and in 2009, Algerian broadcaster Thuraya Bouataba, collected the award for her radio presentation “Children First” (Dubai Lynx, 1). At the 12th Middle East Women’s Leader Awards in Dubai in 2012, Dr. Thuraya Al Arrayed, was given the Writers Excellence Award. Probably the most remarkable awarding is of the Nobel Peace Prize to Yemeni journalist Tawokkon Karman for mobilizing 20 female journalists to protest following president Ali’s fleeing of Tunisia. This protest grew eventually to tens of thousands of people (Radsch). Overall though, there is little evidence to suggest that females are considered for media awards within the Middle East. Rather, celebrated females tend to receive awards from elsewhere or due to activism online. In conclusion, it is fair to say that through activism, increased use of the Internet, increased literacy and education, increased discussion of contemporary feminist issues, and the actions of brave Middle Eastern women, females are now playing a larger part in Arab society – including politically, socially, occupationally, and in media. However, the gender inequalities are still very much apparent in the media and will likely take considerable time to change. Since the younger generation have been raised with SNS available, and in a changing social climate, it is likely that Middle Eastern women will make more strides toward adequate media representation and equality in the next few decades. Also likely, and due to the aforementioned reasons, as well as increased female connection and awareness, more political pressures will be created, pertaining to censorship in the media, accurate representation of the facts in the media, and women’s rights. Although some of the changes are subtle, subtle changes lead to larger changes over time, and create subliminal messages that ultimately change attitudes. Attitude change may lead to the conclusion that women’s equality (in media or otherwise), is beneficial to society as a whole. Works Cited Al- Saggaf, Yeslam. “Saudi Females on Facebook: An Ethnographic Study.” International Journal of Emerging Technologies and Society, 2-3, 2011. "Dubai Lynx Winners Announced." Middle East Company News: 1. Mar 20 2007. ProQuest Central. Web. 7 Jan. 2013. Eltahawy, Mona. “The Middle East’s Generation Facebook.” World Policy Journal 2008 25: 69 DOI: 10.1162/wopj.2008.25.3.69 Fernea, Elizabeth. “The Challenges for Middle Eastern Women in the 21st Century. Middle Eastern Journal 54:2, 2000. Fortna, Benjamin C. (Editor); Amin, Camron (Editor); Frierson, Elizabeth B. (Editor). Modern Middle East: A Documentary History. Oxford, GBR: Oxford University Press, UK, 2006. p 97 Qayyum, Mehrunisa. "More than just 'Facebook Girl'." Islamic Horizons 2012: 50-1. ProQuest Central. Web. 7 Jan. 2013. Radsch, Courtney. “Revolution, Women, and Media in the Middle East. Huffington Post. Jan 27 2012. Proquest Central. Web. 7 Jan. 2013 Rahbani, Leila. “Women in Arab Media: Present but not heard.” Middle Eastern Journal, 55:2, 2010. Sakr, Naomi (Editor). Women and Media in the Middle East: Power through Self-Expression. London, GBR: I.B. Tauris, 2004. Skalli, Loubna “Communicating Gender in the Public Sphere: Women and Information Technologies in the MENA.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 2:2, 2009: 35 – 59. Stephan, Rita. “Creating Solidarity in Cyberspace: The Case of Arab Women’s Solidarity Association United. Journal of Middle Eastern Women’s Studies, 9:181-105, 2013 Read More