The Consolidation of Democracy: Africa and the Middle East - Literature review Example

The Consolidation of Democracy: Africa and the Middle East Democratic consolidation entails a process meant to strengthen the process of democratization in any given country transforming from an authoritarian system of governance. In essence, three processes are involved in then shift towards democratization and include the transition from authoritarian, engaging in democratic transition and eventually achieving democratic consolidation. However, as stated by Mottiar (2002), most democracies are viewed as consolidated democracies in terms of their democracy being internalized attitudinally, constitutionally and behaviourally. In terms of viewing democracies behaviourally, the consolidation of democracy takes effect when there is no existence of social, political, national or institutional structures that exploit resources for purposes of realizing their objectives and establishing a regime considered non-democratic. In terms of attitude, consolidating democracy entails the majority believing in democratic procedures that they view as adequate to facilitate governance regardless of major economic issues. Further, the majority inclining to pro-democracy forces consolidates democracy in this sense because of minimal support for other systems of governances. Constitutionally, consolidating democracy involves a process whereby both governmental and anti-governmental forces, ascribe to specific laws or institutions established because of a new democratic process (Mottiar, 2002). On the other hand, a school of thought views democratic consolidation as vague, ethnocentric and teleological in terms of not offering a plausible mechanism of assessing the longevity of the democratization process. The proponents considering the process of consolidating democracy as being vague support their arguments by highlighting on the new democracies as a way of determining whether new democracies can maintain democracy in the form. Further, assessing new democracies assist to gain an understanding of the fallacy related to electroralism because a new democracy embraces an election process. Democracies exists that offer electoral democracy, but denies freedom or rights that accompany the principles of establishing democracies (Friedman, 2011). On another note, Mottiar (2002) states that, certain conditions needs to exist prior to acknowledging the consolidation of democracy. This involves conditions that facilitate the establishment of a free civil society where, autonomous groups or movements can articulate their values and develop associations to enhance their interests. Further, there is a need to promote a political society that is autonomous and ideal for political actors to embrace competition by following the legitimate process in pursuit of public power. The core institutions that need to be streamlined in this sense include the political parties, political leadership, electoral rules, inter-party alliances, legislature and elections. In addition, the dominant political actors within a state and including the government should adhere to the rule of law that purposely protects the freedom of individuals. This rule of law entails embracing constitutionalism as a way of promoting good governance from the state administration and the elected government. State bureaucracy also needs to be in place to achieve democratic consolidation since, state bureaucracy ensures that the citizen’s rights are protected and provided with the basic services. An institutionalized economy is also important for democratic consolidation in the sense that, institutionalized economy facilitates the enactment of policies and establishing institutions ideal for sustaining a mixed economy. As argued by Mottiar (2002), democratic consolidation cannot occur in an environment of commanding economies since, market autonomy and diversity in terms of ownership, is critical in establishing an independent civil society. Conversely, democratic consolidation cannot thrive in an environment that embraces completely free market economy. This is because, markets need contracts that are legally enforced, regulations related to property and money issuance (Mottiar, 2002). On this note, a sustainable democracy requires the establishment of policies for generating public goods mandated by the government in areas such as transport, education and health. There is also need to establish economic safety nets and limiting gross economic inequality among citizens (Mottiar, 2002). The process of democratic consolidation after the end of the Cold War Since the Cold War ended in 1989, there has been an increased lobbying for democratization across the globe where, more than 100 countries have been involved in transitions to democracy. The process saw a surge in the 90s and in early 2000s; however, the process to embracing democracy since the end of the Cold War has witnessed its fair share of challenges in terms of rearranging political competition, altering power relations and structures and exacerbating social issues instead of ameliorating such problems. In addition, the democratization process witnessed in the 90s, and early 2000s, bring into focus a number of retrospective views concerning what drives democracy and the paths taken by various countries to transform into a democratic state. The views highlights on whether the changes taking effect towards democratization are sustainable for a longer period. Regional variations also play a role when considering the experiences of the post-Soviet countries undergoing dual transitions. This involves moving from an authoritarian system of governance to democracy and shifting from command economies to embracing market economies. On the other hand, African countries are faced with the challenge of moving from a single party rule and adopting multiparty politics (Whitehead, 2002). As illustrated by Stepan & Robertson (2003), lobbying for democracy after the end of the Cold War occurred in countries that never expected reforms to materialize because of their low economic levels in relation to development and other socio-economic factors. Most of these countries that embraced transition after the Cold War, proved wrong the suggestion that democracy is impossible when considering certain religious values or faith. However, it is evident that only the Arab World has not been influenced by the democratization process so far, with only a few countries in the region beginning to open up the political space. After the Cold War era, external forces played a significant role in advancing democratic ideologies across the globe. In this sense, Huntington (1991) stresses that the efforts by external forces influenced the process of democratization in many countries across the globe. For example, it is considered that the policies implemented by Gorbachev, were significant in advancing democratization within the Eastern European Bloc. In addition, the role that external forces played in transition was more profound in Africa, and other low-income countries found elsewhere like in the Middle East and Asia. In most cases the transitions occurring during this period, were influenced by pressure from the external forces and provision of incentives that included withholding aid for countries that exhibited a repressive system of governance (Huntington, 1991). Apart from external forces setting conditionality for countries to embrace transition to democracy there were other critical international forces that played a significant role in advancing democracy, also referred to as, “snowballing”. As evident across the globe, transition often leads to other subsequent transitions as evident among countries that exist in the same region. On this note, regional organizations such as the African Union often act as a catalyst in advancing positive change and democratization. For example, NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development) is widely viewed in the African continent to provide development framework. In addition, the APRM (Africa Peer Review Mechanism) involves an initiative that encourages African countries to demonstrate the development towards democracy and good political governance. However, as evident at the present, commitment of the main political actors in any given country is the key to facilitating transitions. In a country such as Iraq, there has been an effort from external forces to institute democracy without support from the main political actors in the country. On the other hand, external forces have continued to play a significant role in terms of influencing the bargaining power of the main domestic actors. This trend continues to play a role in strengthening or complementing domestic forces embracing democratic change (Burnell, 2005). The period after the Cold War also saw external actors advancing their ideologies influenced by a number of motives that included foreign policy, development agenda and geopolitics. During the late 80s and early 90s, the economic and diplomatic efforts by the United States were mainly focused on democratic transition in a number of countries that included Nigeria, Philippines, Kenya and Korea. However, it is also evident that the Influence or pressure from the United States after the Cold War era sometimes deviates from the focus on a democracy cause. The United States has continued to exploit its advantage in terms of either covertly or overtly supporting authoritarian regimes, they perceive as important allies (Diamond, 2002). The end of Cold War era also saw the emergence of hybrid regimes because of incomplete transitions in regarding to embracing democracy. The demise of Cold War brought with it optimism for democratic transitions after the triumph of capitalism over communism. As discussed by Diamond (2002) hybrid regimes after the Cold War era, mainly focused on promoting political participation and accountability through populist politics and an opaque process in terms of making decisions that impact on the citizens of such countries. In such regimes, both informal and formal institutions are able to coexist through uncomplimentary means since the tactics employed does not create institutionalized uncertainty (O’Donnell, 1996). In addition, such regimes are characterized by clientelistic structures and corruption since the citizens of such countries lack the impetus to hold the elites accountable and the only time they can scrutinize political actors is during the election period. Elections in hybrid regimes are characterized by corruption and the political actors use illicit means to win votes (Whitehead, 2002). The hybrid regimes have further established a civil service that are affected by political and regional clientelism in terms of the regimes adding more ministries for purposes of accommodating the groups they consider supporting them politically. In essence, the practices related to hybrid regimes result have continued to result in an incomplete democracy because of a resurgence of populist personalities in the political arena (O’Donnell, 1996). Democratic Consolidation in Sub-Saharan Africa after the end of Cold War In the early 90s, efforts, to institute democracy in Sub-African countries were viewed as a way to improve institutions. However, since the 90s, transitions have only occurred in a few countries such as South Africa and Botswana. The changes are evident in party leadership and succession concerning politics appear to be routinized and rule based (Abbink & Hesseling, 2000). As a result, the countries that embraced democracy have continued to maintain political stability and good governance. Other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa that appears to have consolidated democracy include Ghana and Tanzania (Lindberg, 2003). For example, the elections conducted within CCM are considered free and competitive; however, the party maintains a dominant influence on the conduct of MPs because of a focus on tradition rather than formal rule guided by the constitution, to check on powers enjoyed by political parties. Countries that have adopted democratic institutions appear to respect and routinize the established institutions. However, among the countries that have embraced transition after the end of Cold War appear to have major political parties that have not as yet, faced a significant electoral contestation like for example, ANC in South Africa. This is a challenge to countries that have transformed in Sub-Saharan Africa since having a few dominating political parties pose a threat to democratic reversals. The domination by the party in government appears to establish a vertical accountability at the national level. Tanzania as a country adopted multiparty in 1992, however, the opposition parties appear to lack a political program that is comprehensive, are ridden with conflicts, and as a result, continue to strengthen the position of the dominant political party (Ewald, 2002). Democratic Consolidation in the Middle East after the end of the Cold War Most countries in the Middle East are authoritarian regimes, however, since 2011; countries in the Middle East have witnessed Arab awakening in a number of countries such as Egypt and Tunisia. The Middle East has often been viewed to be incompatible with democratic consolidation because of the cultural and religious values they hold. In pursuit for a democratized society, the Arab awakening has been replicated in a number of countries in the Middle East that has spread in countries such as Yemen and Morocco. Other efforts by the civilians advocating for democracy are currently visible in countries such as Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. The Middle East in its entirety still lacks the establishment of recognizable democratic institutions other than in Egypt and Tunisia. In most of the Arab state witnessing civil unrest, the unifying thread, is the desire to bring to an end authoritarian rule and institute democratic rule. In Egypt, the up rise has contributed in opening up the political space and a return to a civilian rule (Shaw, 2011). Conclusion According to Andreas (1998), the original view of democratic consolidation involved making the newly established democracies secure in terms of extending the life expectancy of such democracies. This process was viewed as important in minimizing the threat posed by authoritarian regression. However, the efforts to consolidate democracy in this sense, has resulted in problems such as creating conditions for newly established democracies. On the other hand, largely, democratic consolidation has led to the establishment of civilian supremacy, electoral rules, and routinized politics. Democratic consolidation has also decentralized the power held by the state and improved the process of reforms such as judicial reforms and enhanced equality in the society. References Abbink, J. and Hesseling, G., 2000. Election Observation and Democratization in Africa. London: Macmillan Press. Andreas, S., 1998.What is Democratic Consolidation? Journal of Democracy, Vol. 9(2): pp. 91-107. Burnell, P., 2001.Promoting Parties and Party Systems in New Democracies: Is There Anything the International Community Can Do?, in K. Dowding et al. (eds), Challenges to Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Diamond, L., 2002.Elections without Democracy. Journal of Democracy, Vol. 13 (2): 21-36. Ewald, J. 2002. Economic Reforms and Democratization in Tanzania: The Case of the Election 2000 and the Need to Go Beyond Electionalism. Paper presented at the conference on Democratization and Conflict Management in East Africa, 28/2-3 March Friedman, S., 2011. Beyond Democratic Consolidation: An Alternative Understanding of Democratic Progress. A Journal of Social & Political Theory, Vol. 58(126): pp. 27-55. Huntington, S., 1991.The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. Mottiar, Shauna E., 2002. Democratic Consolidation in South Africa Democratic Consolidation in South Africa. [Online] Available at: http://www.eisa.org.za/PDF/SAdem_cons_mott1.pdf [accessed 26 Oct 2013] ODonnell, G., 1996.Illusions about Consolidation. Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7 (2): pp. 34-51. Shaw, M., 2011. The global democratic revolution: a new stage. [Online] Available at: http://www.opendemocracy.net/martin-shaw/global-democratic-revolution-new-stage [accessed 26 Oct 2013] Stepan, A. and Robertson, G., 2003.An "Arab" More Than A "Muslim" Democracy Gap. Journal of Democracy, Vol. 14 (3): pp. 30-44. Whitehead, L., 2002. Democratization: Theory and Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Read More