The Lille to Paris Hunger March - Article Example

Task Introduction The Lille to Paris Hunger March is a document incorporated in the Prisoners of want: The Experience and protest of the employed in France, 1921-1945 book compilation. This is a compilation work of Matt Perry (Newcastle University, UK) who wrote the compilation series in 2007, and the compilation seeks to assess broad themes in the history of labour along with studies that arise from modern field research. In general, the 2007 Prisoners of Want compilation series examines the unemployment experience in France between the years 1921-1945, people protests, and organizations (Perry, 2007). This study will therefore assess and help in noting down a viable commentary about The Lille to Paris Hunger March. The document seeks to expound on the problematic factors that contributed to this march. Mass unemployment pops up as the main reason contributing to the rise of the hunger march. It is also the main reason that sparked other protests in France, protests that occurred at different times in history, before and after the Lille to Paris Hunger March. This commentary is therefore posed to highlight on the pre and post-march periods, provide the main arguments and facts with evidence, and finally draw a conclusion of the important points that are pointed out in the document. Body The author of this document had in mind the urge to bring forth the intended message of history as regards the famous hunger march. The languages used are French and English though the former is used sparingly in the document (Perry, 2007). The document (Lille to Paris Hunger March) was written with the intention of providing information to Newcastle University students and other persons with the urge to know more about historical labour events in France and specifically, the 1933 Hunger march. The document is structured in such a way that one is able to highlight the sequence of events that took place prior to and after the famous 1933 hunger march. It is an explanatory kind of document where the causes, the actual hunger march event, and the repercussions of the march are clearly highlighted for easier understanding of what really transpired during that period in the history of France. In between the two world wars, France experienced four recessions that contributed heavily to a sharp increase in unemployment. The origins of this march lie with the success of the Saint-Nazaire to Nantes march that took place that same year (June 27-28 1933) and organized by the local CGT (Confédération Générale du Travail [General Confederation of Labour]),and SFIO (Section Française de l’Internationale Ouvrière [French Socialist Party]) (Crouzet,2003). This march was staged at the near collapse of the unemployed French people and the Communist Party. The Communist Party backed the hunger march aiming to revamp its popularity and strength in France. The great depression, which began in 1929, was getting worse and its victims were faced with loads of misery (Perry, 2007). Unemployment levels had surpassed the 1million mark and an independent kind of movement was lacking to push for changes up the government hierarchy. This made way for the establishment of the congresses that grouped the unemployed persons by department, region, and industrial centers with the aim of voicing people’s miseries. One of their demands was that additional help was needed to cater for needy people’s needs and wants. It was argued that the blame lay with those in power at the time. They were held responsible for psychological and moral suffering of the unemployed masses (Tillon, 1977). The unemployment movement lacked capacity and power that characterized English unemployment marches. Unlike the Italian and German communist parties, the PCF in France did not confront or resist revolutionary events and situations during its earlier years of existence. The party lost its grip and dominant position during the post world war 1 period because it lacked the ability to take vital initiatives over the issue (Crouzet, 2003). PCF therefore faced difficulty to effect policies that would control the actions of the bourgeoisie that controlled France at that particular period in addition to limiting popular mass actions of the unemployed persons. Balancing mass politicization of the unemployed masses puts into conclusion that the party (PCF) had been ambiguous and partial. The mass march from Lille to Paris developed party consciousness on the antagonism in society, the extreme differences in social life between the antagonistic lower and higher social classes. The hunger march stirred acrimony that was sectarian in nature (Tillon, 1977). Further more, the Unemployed National Conference had its Manifesto addressed to the employed people/population, the jobless/the unemployed and the business people considered as small in France. The manifesto highlighted the factors contributing to the rise in number of the unemployed French people. One of the reasons/factors that contributed immensely to this kind of the unemployed persons was massive dismissal/disqualification of thousands of people. Difficulty in signing deprived thousands of the unemployed French people of their rightful and human benefits. The consequence of these moves by the bourgeois was the rise in the number of suicide cases by the frustrated unemployed persons. The death rates that ravaged the unemployment ranks had the following statistical figures to prove: the surplus births in the first trimester of the year 1932 was 9,336compared to the following year’s 36,750 births. Assistance was only directed to a small number of persons whereas there were 3 million unemployed persons in need of assistance. According to the manifesto, a third of the working persons faced hunger. Also included in the manifesto is the list of demands that the Unemployed national conference put forward to seek approval of France’s working population. The unemployed persons wanted insurance from unemployment, a new working timetable with seven hour days,40 hour week and a wage in every two 2 days. The manifesto also demanded the building of public facilities to benefit peasants and workers. These facilities included schools, worker’s housing, public baths and hospitals. Calls were made to in script all unemployed people into the Unemployment National Fund and that the unemployment benefits should increase by two francs for all the unemployed persons. The manifesto also demanded Rent exoneration that was similar to that which existed during the First World War. There were also demands from the organization to abolish forced labour that was still rampant in France. It stirred calls for urgency from communist quarters where PCF was accused of failing to establish a viable mass movement due to sectarian tendencies and influences coupled with less or no proletarian psychology. The party was therefore called upon to build a sensitive approach aiming at the reactions and mentality of the jobless people. This approach called for a combination of direct demands with simplified crisis explanations (Perry, 2007). The march attracted police repressions and ministerial bans, which threw the diligent preparations and planning into turmoil. Camille Chautemps, the Interior minister at the time, issued an ultimatum saying that he would not authorize or tolerate demonstrations, which entail even the most complicated of hardships. This ban caused much hesitation in the unemployment quarters. If the march was to succeed, its organizers needed to act with determination. The Regional Committee on Unemployment had to release a press statement criticizing the ban, quashing claims of suffering by the marchers and lack of appropriate organization in addition to restating their intention to stage the march regardless of the bans imposed. Communist officials had hoped to mobilize widespread protests over the issuance of the bans. Their clamour would open up ban lifting. Putting into consideration the communist party’s isolation, efforts to mobilize support from the public was unlikely. Ministers in the government could easily dismiss the calls to lift the planned ban because the forthcoming complaints were communist inspired. The French Ministries of Labour and that of Interior at the time, received petitions from a number of unemployment committees. The Minister of Labour came to receive 26 sheets of petition from the Alfortville Committee on Unemployment. The march came from three key sources: the memoirs of Tillon Charles, communist press and the Ministry of interior reports. The states knowledge about the March and movement portrays the worst undermining factor to democracy. There were informers updating the relevant government agencies about the planning march as well as attempts to identify every person in the march. The march meant a lot to the people involved. It meant future responsibilities and struggles. Saturday 18th 1933 marked the first March day (Perry, 2007). Demonstrations in Nord were useful in diverting attention from government authorities. Organizers of the march accomplished their mission successfully. Communists had broken loose disappointment circles and failure chains that had hindered employment of the masses for a long time. Conclusion Though rare, unemployment marches do exist. In this assignment, some facts about the Lille to Paris March are highlighted: the more sporadic outbursts of the longtime unemployed, the better structures of protest against acts of dismissal, and the development of general protests that aim at sensitizing people on unemployment during protest cycles. Organizationally, the Hunger march can be seen to have involved flexible local alliances and groupings that advocated for employment of the masses (Richards, 2002). Unions and social organizations on movement were incorporated, including voluntary associations. Unemployment protests and marches assume some typical characteristics that are similar to those of the hunger strike. They have a symbolic impact and are purposefully created to look for justice channels for the unemployed. In general, the union status alignment is of importance in amassing public mobilization. This means the Lille to Paris Hunger March achieved the objectives of its organizers. Bibliography Crouzet, F, 2003, ‘The historiography of French economic growth in the nineteenth century’, Economic History Review, Vol 56, No.2, pp 215–42. Perry, M., 2007, Prisoners of want: the experience and protest of the unemployed in France, 1921–45. Persondata Name Tillon, Charles Alternative names Short description Date of birth 1897 Place of birth Date of death 1993 Place of death Richards, A., 2002, Mobilizing the Powerless: Collective Protest Action of the Unemployed in the Interwar Period, Working Paper 175, Juan March Institute, Madrid. Tillon, C, 1977, On chantait rouge, Robert Laffont, Paris. 1977. Read More