African American Women in Labor Unions Black, Brave and Bold - Essay Example

Jessica Clements Michael Goldfield Honors 4200 30 March 2009 African American Women in Labor Unions: Black, Brave and Bold. Introduction Black women operated in American workforce and labor movements throughout the span of the mid nineteenth to mid-twentieth century. During this time, America was not a place where people of color, particularly African Americans, were treated fairly, which was more evident in the south. However, this was also the span of time that marked the emancipation of slaves through the Thirteenth Amendment, which caused a mass migration of African Americans into the northern parts of America. Blacks had a better opportunity, though immensely unequal to that of whites, to minutely progress in status due to many laws and stipulations placed upon them because of their skin tone. This prospect was more probable in the North. Moreover, during this time, women in general were not viewed positively. In fact, women were also emancipated from the bondage of not being able to vote, just as blacks through the Nineteenth Amendment. Therefore, to be an African American female laborer in American society in this time period was accompanied with many trials and tribulations. Since there were two strikes (being a black female) of African American women in the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth century, this study will investigate a few cases that showcase the strength of the black woman worker during this time. This study will compare and contrast the success of the various examples and explain how each one glorifies Marxists views. Marxist thinking caused black women of that era to stand for equality in the workplace. A synopsis of each case will be given and will explain how they relate to Marxist ideas. The study will be divided into empirical and theoretical questions that exist in Marxist ideologies. It will answer the question whether or not there is evidence that forms of society exist only for as long as they advance productive power, and are replaced by revolution. The theoretical question is whether there are sufficient evidences to support Marxist functional explanations. 1. Karl Marx (1813-1883) Karl Marx is a philosopher but is popularly known for his works as a revolutionary communist that inspired the foundation of many communist regimes in the 20th century. He has many philosophical ideas on other subjects, but this study will dwell on the political economic policy of Karl Marx that deals on the economic inequalities. He rejects the assumption that economic inequalities do not affect political equalities but focuses on the inequalities of neither individuals nor citizens but by the entire class. For Marx, the most fundamentally problematic inequality is that between those who own the means of economic production and those who do not. That some are rich and others poor is of concern, but this is only symptomatic of the former, deeper inequality. (Stamford Science Encyclopedia) Marx points out also to the inequality of sexes that is no longer economic in nature, but still forms a basis of capitalist political economic system. In a capitalist political economy, Marx contends that the economy, institutions of society and structure of society are controlled by the capitalist class and become basis for legitimacy. He said that the " ideologies of liberal democracy only serve to legitimate what is in fact a system of freedom and democracy only for some. The political equality emphasized by liberals is but a veil for the economic inequality that is so fundamental to a capitalist society and so detrimental to human freedom." (Source) As for other thinkers, equality is not an end in itself for Marx. Instead, equality in ownership and control of the means of production is a necessary prerequisite for freedom. 2. Other dedicated source synopsis 2.1 "We are all leaders". This is a kind of unionism that existed in 1930s. Staughton Lynd describes it as different from the bureaucratic business unions today. This was inspired by women nut pickers in St. Louis and has gained wider support from other workers and from the community. It was termed "We are all leaders" as this kind of unionism became a participatory movement that gathered support and sympathy from all walks of life in the community. (Staughton Lynd. 1996) Lynd points to this kind of unionism as something "democratic, deeply rooted in mutual aid among workers in different crafts and work sites, and politically independent." The key that points to Marxist theory in this aspect is the egalitarian value system. For Marx, the problem of inequality stems from those who own the means of economic production and those who do not. For him, economic inequalities is not for an individual alone nor citizen, but for the entire class. In the nut pickers strike, what is involved are the entire class of capitalists and workers. Capitalists exploit workers by not giving conditions needed and demanded by the workers who have no other means of living. Because of this material inequality in the economy. Marx said that in the communist argument something must be done to remove this inequality; as capitalists who owns greatest material wealth are not likely to give part of it, some form of "coercive mechanisms" are needed. In our example, the coercive effort is the strike of the union. Winston-Tobacco Incident .Civil Rights Unionism Labor is a necessary condition for commodity production; and Marx said that labor produces commodity in exchange for a value, or a price. Marx explains that labor input is required to produce commodity in exchange for money. His labor theory relies on the idea of exploitation of the worker as he said, In setting up conditions of production the capitalist purchases the worker's labour power - his ability to labour - for the day. The cost of this commodity is determined in the same way as the cost of every other; i.e. in terms of the amount of socially necessary labour power required to produce it. In this case the value of a day's labour power is the value of the commodities necessary to keep the worker alive for a day. (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2003) First published Tue Aug 26, 2003; substantive revision Mon Jan 28, 2008 What does this mean to the Union At the end of the day, the Union was able to persuade Winston-Tobacco to improve the conditions of productions for laborers. Korstad referred to the Winston- Tobacco union in Chapters ten and eleven, wherein he said, "Civil rights unionism in the 1940s represented the primary form of black mobilization against racial discrimination and second-class citizenship. As a broad movement for social change, mass protests and organization allowed for victories at the local and federal level." (Kokoro, 2009) Young women were recruited to join the union and focused its concern on the bread and butter demands that interested both whites and blacks. This article pointed to the difficulties the civil rights union leaders went through until 1950s to fight for workers rights. Communism charges were made to them, attempts to break the union, separating leaders from their ranks and scaring workers. The Union lost support of the government and even from their own members. Nonetheless Union bargaining made an impact when finally, Reynolds maintained workers' benefits, higher wages, and the seniority system. 2.4 Suffragettes movement The first picket line - in front of the White House- College day in the picket line. American Memory published in 1917 source: Women suffrage movement When ideals are united, it can be pursued beyond skin tone and race. This philosophy of Marx has been proven when women, back and whites advocated for Women suffrage. This movement was started in the early 19th century at the time women were starting to become educated, At that time, no talk of communism inspiration prevailed in this movement, women were simply interested in politics, and questioned why they were not allowed to vote. (Women's suffrage movement) Several whites devoted a great time and effort to encourage women to join the movement and their voices be heard by proper authorities. The picture of the three personages who worked hard for this movement was later on printed in postage stamps to commemorate their contribution to women's right to vote and be elected. . Source: http://www.nps.gov/wori/historyculture/images/Postage_Stamp.jpg In one of the public speeches of President Woodraw Wilson after World War I. women audience asked him the question, "Mr. President, if you sincerely desire to forward the interests of all the people, why do you oppose the national enfranchisement of women" It didn't take long after this, because on January 1918 the nineteenth amendment to the Constitution gave rights to women to vote. (Wikipedia) 3. Synopsis and Relevance of Marx's theory to black women's crusade 3.1 Atlanta Washerwomen's strike in 1881 Nellie Stonewww.uniondues.com The Marxist Theory says that "workers will unite in order to collectively achieve their goals; and that sense of unity stretched beyond race" has been proven to be right when the Atlanta Washerwomen called out for a labor strike on April 1881. The determination of the washerwomen of Atlanta in 1881 is remarkable. They were unstoppable and had a firm resolve to fight for their rights for equality and opportunity of work. From a handful of 20 members, their members grew to 3000 strikers, a number which could not be easily ignored by authorities. These women did not mind being called a washing society while they went door to door inviting members to join them.(Logan, Shirley,2005) The interracial diverseness did not bother them as they welcome also white laundresses as a display of sense of unity for the cause they are working for. These women asked for a uniform higher pay, respect and autonomy over their work. When cautioned by a stiffer taxes and fines, they were ready to sacrifice their month's wages rather than give up the ideals they were fighting for. They found strength in unity and in growing membership; and soon enough they became example of other domestic workers who also asked for the same privileges. Authorities had to give in with the demands of the strikers because they saw that they could not replace these workers easily, and that these workers were also instrumental to th economy.(Logan) In photo, is a poster demanding for the rights of Laundry women in 1881. Source: Sophia Smith Collection. When the Atlanta women went on strike, Marx assertion that "when the economic structure fails to develop the productive forces - when it 'fetters' the productive forces, it will be revolutionized and the epoch will change" was realized. Change was achieved when as economic structure of labor, their dignity as workers were not respected, and a strike was needed to revolutionize reforms needed.(Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2003) Women strikers did not share communist idealism, nonetheless, their protests were evidences of Capitalism structure of Marx. 3.2 Nellie Stone Johnson In all of the literatures reviewed, Nellie Stone had not said anything about Marx theories, although she has been referred to as a radical and was a member of Communist society groups. Marx supports equality in the workplace in the same way that Nellie Stone Johnson is fighting for civil and economic rights of workers. Looks can be deceiving because behind the shy picture of a young lady, lies the strong willed determination of a woman who was a leader who led an organized labor from 1930 to 1940. She distributed non-partisan league pamphlets as a child by horseback. She devoted 70 years of her life as a tireless fighter for civil and economic rights from first to last. Nellie died at age 96. Shown below are photos of Nellie Stone Johnson. 1943 2002 Source: Counter Punch Source: http://www.nelliestone.org/ Nellie is remembered by the Pioneer Press as someone who is radical, as member of hard-line labor groups which include Young Communists League, the Young Socialist, the Socialist Workers Party, and several others. She was instrumental to the merger of the Democratic and Farmer-Labor parties in 1944, and because of these involvements, she had more enemies than friends. The civil rights organizations were against her, some middle class feminists, and all those who neglected hard-won gains in labor and civil rights. (Perry, Steve, 2002) In Nellie's last talk to author Perry in 2002, here is a list of what she always said: Do the legwork. Know your history. Concern yourself with others, always. Stay busy and you will stay as close to selfless as possible. Keep your own counsel; be beholden to no one. Be proud of what you do. Let good faith be its own reward. Remember that regret wastes time. Keep on. 3.3 Lucy Parson Karl Max and Lucy Parson shared something in common. Marx had been an inspiration in the foundation of many communist regimes. He is a philosopher but had focused more on economics and politics. In the same way, Lucy Parson, was a writer, publisher and an effective anarchist organizer who focused on the economic structures of labor and unemployment and poverty. She lived during the era of Karl Marx (1818-1883) when Karl was best known as a revolutionary communist. Lucy as a writer and orator, was described by the Chicago Police Department as "more dangerous than a thousand rioters" in the 1920s, and was often arrested by giving anarchy speeches and literature. Her husband who was later executed on charges of conspiracy in 1887 shared her ideologies, and together, they worked on behalf of political prisoners, people of color, the homeless and women. Both Marx and Lucy were writers. Lucy had been an influential writer and a leader, in the same way the philosophies of Marx continued to be read, studied and debated up to this time, and had influenced many philosophical thinkers .Lucy continues with her involvement in many labor organizations after her husband's death and focused on class struggles of poverty alleviation and unemployment problems. She led many huge demonstrations. Lucy was also quoted as saying, "My conception of the strike of the future is not to strike and go out and starve, but to strike and remain in and take possession of the necessary property of production." (Wikipedia) Lucy was 89 years old when she died on a house fire. 4. Comments and discussions The strikes of the washerwomen in Atlanta and the nut pickers answer the questions of evidence needed to prove that society exist only for as long as they advance productive power. A society of the working class existed when they got united to produce the economic wealth for capitalists who in turn provided for workers economic existence. When these economic needs are not met satisfactorily, the working class society start to become unrest, disintegrate, or revolutionize, then their productive power as workers have changed The power of women as shown in our examples answers the theoretical question of sufficient evidences to support Marxist functional explanations. Marx referred to inequality of sexes, and this inequality has inspired women to form a class of society who stubbornly fought for their rights to work, decency of living and the right to vote. End. Word count. 2,653 List of references American Memory. Women's Suffrage Movement. 18 April 209 http://www.42explore2.com/suffrage.htm Korokoro. 17 March 2009. U.S. Labor History Blog Archive Korstad, Civil Rights Unionism ...17 April 2009 < overflow.umwblogs.org/2009/03/17/korstad-civil-rights-unionism-chapters-10-15/ - 12k History Guide. Karl Marx 1818-1883. Lectures on modern European intellectual history. 18 April 2009 Image Google. Washerwomen. 18 April 2009 Logan, Shirley. 12 March 2005. Women's History, Working Women, AFL-CIO 18 April 2009) Nellie Stone Johnson Scholarship. Nellie Stone. 18 April 2009 < http://www.nelliestone.org/ > Perry, Steve. 11 April 2002. Keep on - Nellie Stone Johnson. Counterpunch, America's best political newspaper. 17 April 2009 Read More