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Egypt: Before and After the Revolution - Research Paper Example

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The author of the paper "Egypt: Before and After the Revolution" will begin with the statement that Egypt, like other young states, is not new to revolutions. The 2011 Egyptian Revolution is its fifth and bears similarities and differences with past revolutions…
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Egypt: Before and After the Revolution
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December 7, Egypt: Before and After the Revolution Egypt, like other young s, is not new to revolutions. The Egyptian Revolution is its fifth and bears similarities and differences with past revolutions. Similar to most of the past revolutions, the people and the army were in partnership in overthrowing repressive regimes, but the latest revolution was different in its means for accumulating interest and organizing action, its leaderlessness, and the predominance of the youth in its organization and mobilization (al-Bishri para.11-14). Though the youth led the revolution, its causes were built across years of repression under Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s rule (Ghanem para.1; Lynch 31). Marc Lynch, Associate Professor of Political Science and the Director of the Institute for Middle East Studies at The George Washington University, notes the decade of small protests before the larger youth mobilization events in 2011 (31). This paper asks what happened to Egypt before and after the 2011 Revolution. The 2011 Egyptian Revolution is not a product of overnight mobilization, but of decades of political repression and socio-economic problems, and so after it, the country continues to grapple with various social, economic, and political issues. The causes that built up the 2011 Egyptian Revolution came from the economic, social, and political inequalities that intensified during Mubarak’s regime, and not from mere overnight mobilization techniques. Egypt showed positive economic growth rates, but it masked underlying inequities. Hafez Ghanem, a senior fellow in the Global Economy and Development program, asserted that though the economy improved under Mubarak, it did not resolve widespread socio-economic issues. He states: [These economic policies] failed to be inclusive as they left about 45 million Egyptians trapped in lower middle class status living on $2-$4 a day and provided few opportunities for youth who felt economically and socially excluded. (Ghanem para.1). Ghanem is saying that Mubarak showed an economic bubble that had no sustainable center. The lower middle class and the youth experienced the worst hits because economic opportunities were not accessible to them. At the same time, political inequality is experienced through repressive practices against those who oppose the government. Mohamed El-Bendary described police violence against protesters, under the guidance of the Egypt’s Interior Ministry. Protesters, according to El-Dostour, an independent Egyptian opposition newspaper, called the Minister of Interior Habib El-Adli as the “head of a militia and not a minister of interior” because he used the police to interrogate, shoot, and hurt protesters (El-Bendary 77). Mubarak denied instructing the police to shoot at civilians and to conduct other brutal activities, and yet, the same police units ensured protection for his family members and cronies (Ghanem para.1). These reports and examples demonstrated that Egyptians wanted Mubarak and his entire regime out because they no longer served the will and welfare of the people. Social issues also plagued Mubarak’s administration, which culminated to the protests in 2011. The youth and the lower class, in particular, felt the overwhelming negative effects of crony capitalism and police violence in their lives. Lynch describes protests that increased in the middle of the 2000s, which portrayed: …episodic bouts of political and labor unrest: protests organized via Facebook by the April 6 movement (named in support of a 2008 strike in the industrial city El-Mahalla El-Kubra), labor strikes, and protests by lawyers and judges. (33). Lynch shows that social problems included labor issues and economic inequities that affected people’s political and social status. On February 1, 2010, named as “the day of determination,” protesters called for one million people to join them in Tahrir Square (El-Bendary 67). Mubarak appointed a vice-president to appease protesters, but he stressed that he would serve his term to its end. When interviewed by ABC TV on February 3, Mubarak said that he was “fed up” of being a ruler of Egypt (El-Bendary 67). A young man retorts to Mubarak’s “fed up” rhetoric with a scathing response: Why are you fed up, Mr. President? Has anyone insulted you, hit you, given you electric shocks at a police station; are you tired of a state hospital in which a son of yours has died of negligence?... are you unable out of work and sitting unemployed at a coffee shop?...Why are you fed up, Mr. President? (El-Bendary 67-68). His reaction is a form of social criticism against the social issues of his time- poverty, unemployment, and government violence against political protesters. Hence, these events demonstrate that the Egyptian people were the ones who were fed up for a long time of Mubarak and his empty promised for social, economic, and political reforms. Immediately before the 2011 Revolution, the youth mobilized both national and international interest and action through the social media that resulted to Mubarak’s stepping down from his position. Alex Nunns and Nadia Idle are not arguing that the 2011 revolution was a purely social media one, and instead, they note the role of social media in organizing and mobilizing the youth and other groups who participated in subsequent massive protests. They focused on tweets because they were “first-hand, real-time accounts of events” and testified to the role of Twitter and social media during these times (Nunns and Idle 14). The tweets they selected represented the immediacy and passion of the protesters, such as the tweets below in Figure 1. These tweets react on self-immolation practices of burning oneself as a form of rebellion against the state. “Monasosh” explains that setting oneself on fire is an effort to have a voice in a voiceless society (Nunns and Idle 28). “Norshalaby” sends a strong message on how she feels about Mubarak when she tells her peers that he should set himself on fire (Nunns and Idle 28). “Gsquare86” shares her foresight that Mubarak will soon step down after the happenings in Tunisia and Egypt (Nunns and Idle 28). Her tweet signifies that the people are ready to oust Mubarak. These tweets show the participation of the youth in mentally and psychologically preparing for peaceful uprisings. These tweets sent a message that Egypt wants change fast, not only as an expression to Mubarak, but the rest of the world. From January 25 to February 11, 2011, Egyptians conducted nationwide protests that demanded Mubarak to quit his post. During this time, Mubarak and his allies killed hundreds of protesters. On February 11, after the intervention of the U.S. and the international community that appealed to Mubarak to step down, Mubarak resigned and turned power to the military. The military removed the parliament and suspended the constitution, which are already two of the demands of protesters. Figure 1: Tweets about the Self-Immolation of Some Egyptians Source: Nunns and Idle (28) After the Revolution, several activities tried to provide a smooth transition to a legitimate government, but obstacles that came from internal issues prevented it. From November 28, 2011 to February 15, 2012, Egypt held parliamentary elections. The Muslim Brotherhood won almost half of the lower house seats, while the conservative Salafis won a fourth and the others were won by liberal, independent and secular politicians. After the June 2012 run-off elections, Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood won. Despite the administrative changes that Morsi implemented, Asma Alsharif and Yasmine Saleh reported widespread political, social, and economic problems. They interviewed a 23-year-old woman in the Tamarud movement who said: “They are Egyptians like us and we were all upset by the Brotherhood and their horrible rule” (Alsharif and Saleh para.9). Ghanem adds the economic woes under Morsi that seemed to have worsened: “The fiscal deficit is about 12 percent of GDP, the public debt has ballooned to 80 percent of GDP, international reserves barely cover three months of imports and the Egyptian pound is under increasing pressure” (para.2). Katherine Zoepf reports that after the Revolution, some Egyptian women experienced empowerment. However, she noted that the state and Islamic fundamentalists groups did not support women’s rights before and after the Revolt, and even more, after it. Zoepf shows the complex impacts of the revolution on advancing women’s rights and responding to their particular issues. Protests occurred once more and called for Morsi to leave his post. The military ousted Morsi on July 3, 2013. These reports indicate that changing Mubarak is only one step of attaining positive reforms in Egypt. Instead, after the Revolution, its main effect is to show Egyptians that they have numerous social, economic, and political issues to be resolved. The 2011 Egyptian Revolution did not happen overnight or resolved its longstanding issues overnight too. Before it occurred, protests were mounting due to long-term issues of corruption, unemployment, and social, gender, and economic inequality. After the Revolution, Mubarak, and then, Morsi, was ousted, and yet, Egypt is in a state of quandary. The paper asserts that, in reality, a country cannot resolve its various issues in one term or through changing one president alone. Instead, the Egyptians continue to grapple with social, economic, and political issues, as it seeks for both transitory and long-term solutions. Instead, Egypt is still in a learning curve, as it aims to find out what works best for its cultural, economic, social, and political aspirations. Works Cited al-Bishri, Tariq. “Understanding Egypt's Revolution.” Aljazeera.com, 18 Mar. 2011. Web. 10 Oct. 2013. < http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth /opinion/2011/03/2011318174632140302.html>. Alsharif, Asma, and Yasmine Saleh. “Special Report: The Real Force behind Egypt's 'Revolution of the State'.” Reuters.com, 10 Oct. 2013. Web. 10 Oct. 2013. . El-Bendary, Mohamed. The Egyptian Revolution: Between Hope and Despair: Mubarak to Morsi. United States: Algora, 2013. Print. Ghanem, Hafez. “Two Years After the Egyptian Revolution: A Vision for Inclusive Growth is Needed.” Brookings Up Front, 25 Jan. 2013. Web. 10 Oct. 2013. . Lynch, Mark. “America and Egypt after the Uprisings.” Survival 53.2 (2011): 31-42. Web. 18 Sept. 2013. . Nunns, Alex, and Nadia Idle (Eds.). Tweets from Tahrir: Egypt's Revolution as it Unfolded, in the Words of the People Who Made It. New York: OR Books, 2011. Print. Zoepf, Katherine. “A Troubled Revolution in Egypt.” The New York Times, 21 Nov. 2011. Web. 18 Sept. 2013. < http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/21/world/middleeast/a-troubled-revolution-in-egypt.html?ref=thefemalefactor&_r=0>. Read More
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