Egypt and the Coup Dtat - Article Example

Section/# Egypt and the Coup D’état: An Analysis of Media Coverage and Understanding Represented within The Washington Post and The Independent Merriam Webster defines a “coup d’état as “a fundamental change in political organization; especially: the overthrow or renunciation of one government or ruler and the substitution of another by the governed” (Merriam Webster). Yet, regardless of terms and definitions, the fact of the matter is that different news entities understand current events in different ways. This is invariable as a result of either different styles of reporting, different sources, or abject levels of bias. Accordingly, the following analysis will consider the differentials between the ways in which the United Kingdom’s Independent newspaper reviewed the events of the Egyptian Revolution as compared to the manner in which the American newspaper The Washington Post. It is the hope of this author that comparing and contrasting reporting during this sensitive period in time will relate the levels of understanding and/or bias that were represented in one or both of these newspapers. For purposes of clarity, the comparison will take place over a one week time period. Prior to the Arab Spring in Egypt, the regime of Hosni Mubarak was one that had lasted for nearly 30 years. Accordingly, the power structure within Egypt at the time that the Arab Spring took place was one in which one individual and his security forces directed nearly every action that the state took. Such an undemocratic process had defined Egyptian politics long before even Mubarak had come to power however. As a result of the corruption and the knowledge that Mubarak was likely to hand his power to his son, thereby creating a type of dynasty, the unease and dissatisfaction among those living in Egypt reached a boiling point and instigated what has become to be known as the Arab Spring. This brief analysis essay will compare some of the positive and negative effects that this Arab Spring has had on Egypt as well as to discuss some of the key changes that have taken place as a result. Firstly, an analysis of the existing newspaper articles surrounding the coverage of the Egyptian coup d’état by The Independent reveals immediate levels of support for the rebels. This is primarily predicated upon the fact that the initial stories focused a level of discussion on the need to develop a democratic process typified within Egypt; something that had not existed in decades. However, the optimistic coverage did not necessarily equate to reality. Regardless of this fact, newspaper article after newspaper article focused upon the crimes and over-reach that the Mubarak regime was guilty of; all the while ignoring the clear overtones of violence and Sharia that pervaded the approach that the Muslim Brotherhood sought to bring (Rutrhik 1) . As opposed to before where Mubarak’s dictatorship was a seemingly endless definition of the future of the nation, the people of Egypt were, at least as The Guardian represented, now able to take part in their own right to self determination, sovereignty, and the democratic process. In this way, the effect of the Egyptian coup d’état must be understood as largely positive. Within the time period that is under analysis, the cons to such a process were not truly engaged. Further, it is not the argument of this author that such a transition is not without its drawbacks. Whereas Egypt has been controlled by one form of absolute monarch or dictator for the better part of the past several hundred years, providing a smooth and painless segue into democracy would have been all but impossible. However, The Independent chose to ignore this reality and focus upon the rose tinted view that the change was positive; if only for the sake that it embodied “change”. As such, some of the cons that have followed the process are the actions of key groups that feel that their rights have not been fully represented to a satisfactory extent within the confines of the democratic system. As such, these individuals have resorted to violence, coercion, and other illegalities as a means of expressing their own unique view. However, as has been stated, such is to be expected within the process of democratization and the untimely end of an absolute dictatorship that had gripped the country for the better part of three decades. In this sense, the onlooker should reasonably expect that the formation of a democratic system will have the requisite growing pains and will not be a seamless process. However, regardless of the means by which one measures the situation that is unfolding in Egypt currently, the fact of the matter is that the average citizen is better represented and has more rights and freedoms currently than were ever experienced under Mubarak. According to The Independent’s coverage, with the repressive regime of Hosni Mubarak removed, Egyptian politics was finally able to develop beyond a merely figurative sense. Powers that had lain in waiting for decades were unleashed into the “democratic sphere” as a desire for supremacy in Egyptian politics was reached following Mubarak’s ouster. Not surprisingly, the dynamic that was evidenced was one in which secularist elements were in direct conflict with Islamic elements; leading to a situation in which religion ultimately helped to formulate an interpretation of what the governmental structure of Egypt would come to resemble. Moreover, continuing coverage of the situation pointed to the belief that as history has proven, the situation that developed was one in which the democratic process was nearly completely controlled by what can be termed as “pro Islamic” elements. Further, little if any coverage was directed towards the fact that a decidedly religious interpretation of the Arab Spring in Egypt led the Muslim Brotherhood to a level of power that they would not otherwise have experienced under the harsh and repressive regime of Mubarak. Yet, nevertheless, it must be stated that the survival of this system was in much doubt; so much so that it has come as little surprise to the onlooker that the Islamic movement that comprised the majority of the pro-democratic process, was rapidly overthrown by the Egyptian military – as well as secularist movements within the nation. By means of contrast and comparison, the approach of the Washington Post was not nearly as optimistic and/or praiseworthy of the efforts that the Muslim Brotherhood was able to make against the regime of Hosni Mubarak. Instead, the paper sought to take Egypt as the litmus test for the ways in which the revolutions of the Arab Spring could lead to Islamic law and a further degree of non-secular control, many of the other dictatorships within the Middle East began to curry renewed support from the outside world, as well as previously non-aligned elements within their own regime. Seeing how the religious minorities of Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia were initially treated by the newly “elected” governments, nations such as Syria began to redouble their efforts to topple the opposition. Moreover, the coverage sought to delve into the issue of Christians and other religious minorities that had previously exerted a great deal of energy on attempting to stay neutral in the process of the respective revolutions actively engaged with the pro-government forces as a means of limiting the eventuality that they too might come to be put in jeopardy as a result of a new and unknown level of pro-Islamic governance that might be exhibited within their respective nations if the Islamist laws that had been enacted in Egypt and elsewhere did indeed come to be witnessed within their own back yards. Similarly, The Washington Post saw the Egyptian government as traditionally operating extensive networks of secret police, informants, and intelligence analysts to work to help manage the issue of terrorism. However, as the coverage revealed, such an approach has severely curtailed the level of freedom that the typical Egyptian citizen has been able to enjoy (Diehl 1). Although the purpose of this analysis is not to state that the overall level of terrorism in Egypt has noticed a marked increase or decrease as the result of the Arab Spring, it is however worth mentioning that the perennial threat of Islamic fundamentalists attempting to seize power within the existing structure is one of the fundamental and defining characterizes of the current political/social landscape within the nation. One relevant aspect of the Washington Post’s coverage that cannot be ignored has to do with the fact that the United States government was one of Hosni Mubarak’s main sponsors. As such, seeing a fellow ally fall to a coup, regardless of whether it was motivated for the right reasons or not, necessarily caused the American press, specifically the Washington Post, to reconsider the benefits of this taking place. Although this analysis will stop short of saying that the United States press was acting in tandem with the government, it is without question that certain influences and the social dynamic of the relationship of foreign relations to overall American interests necessarily helped to create the dynamic that has thus far been alluded to. Through the dichotomy that exists between those two nations and the experience that they have respectively endured during the course of their revolutions, the reader and/or researcher can see to a clearer extent the full nature of the mechanisms, causal factors, procedure, and after effects that these revolutions have indelibly affected for the nations in question. Rather than being tempted to state the Arab Spring revolutions can or should somehow be grouped into an identifying category that can successfully explain each and every revolution under a common rubric of understanding, a better approach, and one that has been argued by this author within this essay, is that each revolution represented its own causal factors, growth mechanisms, motivations, and levels of exterior influence. Going back to the original research question, one can infer that although each and every revolution that has swept the Middle East over the past two years has been what political scientists would broadly categorize as a revolution, the true nature, scope, and level of involvement that has been exhibited has meant that these revolutions have not always ascribed to the sociological understandings that are placed upon them. From the information that has been conveyed, a varying approach to the Egyptian coup d’état is reflected. Ultimately, even though this particular reorganization of governmental power engendered many different responses, the differential between the British and American response is unique; due in part to the shared cultural history that these two great powers generally exhibit. Ultimately, the loss of a proxy regime, on the part of the United States, was likely a primary motivator for the way in which the American conservative press discussed and understood the issue at hand. Conversely, the proximity of Great Britain to the issues and concerns that the Arab world faces, as a direct result of decade after decade of dictatorial rule, was likely the motivator for The Independent to represent the situation in somewhat of an overly optimistic view. Regardless of these dynamics, the representation of the same occurrence within two ethnically and culturally similar nations and their press represents the differential in thought that is so oftentimes represented within international relations. Without this differential, it is doubtful that such a level of schizophrenic support, approval, sanction, and criticism of the Egyptian coup d’état could have existed in the first place. Nevertheless, the approach that has been represented, even though only indicative of two newspapers during a week’s time frame, is largely representative of the differential in understanding that existed as this situation unfolded. Whereas it is true that the overly optimistic approach that The Independent took eventually faded, the overly gloomy assessment of the American pres represented within The Washington Post also came to be something of a past memory; as both of these newspapers came to gain a more realistic and less partisan interpretation of the reality on the ground. Works Cited Diehl, Jackson. "Jackson Diehl - The Upsides of Egypts Revolution." Washington Post. The Washington Post, 14 Feb. 2011. Web. 12 Apr. 2014. Ruthrik, Kent. "Can Egypts Revolution Stay the Distance?" The Independent. Independent Digital News and Media, 7 Feb. 2011. Web. 12 Apr. 2014. Read More