According to Paavo, there are basically two different dimensions that are seen to be applicable in the determination of the state, the first of these two dimensions is seen to be the vertical dispersion of authority…
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"An analysis of the Critical Arguments that we are able to Learn from Havikko Paavos Many houses: types of politico-administrative regime"
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Paavo is seen to provide a credible argument by postulating that the very nature of a country’s central government, the current prevailing administrative culture, the diversity of the various different channels of advice and the established relationship between the mandarins and the ministers essentially all serve to determine exactly which idea eventually gets taken up by the administration and the extend of just how widely and vigorously the adopted idea is seen to be subsequently implemented by the government (Pollitt and Bouchaeat 49). According to Paavo, there are basically two different dimensions that are seen to be applicable in the determination of the state, the first of these two dimensions is seen to be the vertical dispersion of authority, which is an aspect that determines exactly how far authority within a certain given state is being shared at the various different levels of government. Some states are generally found to be rather highly centralized with excessive power being mostly concentrated at the very top level of the government as exemplified by the current condition in some unitary states. such as the United Kingdom and New Zealand contrary to this, Federal government systems such as that seen in Germany and the United States are seen to be fairly decentralized with some of the power being distributed among the Lander or the States respectively (Paavo 51). Paavo gives the second dimension of structure as being the actual degree of horizontal coordination that is seen to essentially exist within the central government (Pollitt and Bouchaeat 49). This second dimension examines just how far a state’s central ministries are able to successfully ensure that all the other ministries end up taking the very same approach in regards to matters that happen to be of particular interest to them all. In some countries such as New Zealand, key ministries are responsible for the determination of the objectives to be followed and the other ministries naturally just fall in line. This was seen in New Zealand in 1984 and is currently being seen in the UK where the Treasury is found to normally be able to have its way in the event that it happens to be in agreement with the country’s Cabinet Office (Pollitt and Bouchaeat 53-54), in contrast to this Paavo points out that in some countries like France, ministerial structures are always seen to be in turmoil and the entire state system can widely be regarded as being fragmented (Pollitt and Bouchaeat 54). 3.1 The Nature of the Executive Government According to Paavo, regardless of the central government’s scope, the conventions and habits of the particular executive will be primarily responsible for shaping what exactly will go on within that given scope. Comparative political scientists have been able to develop a typology to be used to effectively assess these conventions, the key basic features of which are seen to include: Minimal-winning coalitions: This form of executive government is seen to occur in the event that two or more parties are able combine and hold an estimated over 50 percent of all the legislative seats. Single-Party or bare majority or minimal-winning: The marked characteristic of this type of executive government is that one particular party happens to hold more than 50 percent of the total number of seats in the legislature. Grand coalitions or Oversized executives: This scenario develops in the event that a number of additional parties happen to be included in a
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