Chinese osmology: Meanings in Early Political Culture - Essay Example

?Discuss Chinese cosmology and its meanings and implications in early Chinese political culture Introduction According to Chinese cosmology, objects and events are interconnected with each other, echoing and interacting with each other and not affected by external elements. It supports homologies for nature and society (Wang, 2000). The universe is seen based on a taxonomic foundation where “what is above is like what is below” (Faure, 2005, p. 73). There are five phases which manage or relate to the five periods, referring to the four seasons and the intercalary season. These phases also refer to the different applications of reality, including the five directions, the five tastes, smells, colours, viscera and the five classifications of flora and fauna (Faure, 2005). Such general theme applies a suspension of thought with everything having its place and each place having a corresponding value. In effect, to find something means discovering and controlling it. These elements of cosmology will be discussed based on its meanings and implications in early Chinese political culture. A general background of Chinese cosmology will first be established, and then followed by more specific discussions on political culture during the early Chinese period. Body Chinese cosmology is based on the concept of cosmic order, which is the foundation of all existence, and also the primary rule in all cosmic relations and developments. The universe is therefore considered a self-contained and dynamic object operating based on its basic pattern. Such pattern has often been considered as Dao by Chinese philosophers (Liu, 2006). This Dao has various interrelated elements. The term “way” has been related to “path” or “road” (Liu, 2006). Way is therefore related to the proper or the right way of acting or doing something or in another sense, the proper order which emanates in doing something right. Dao implies an all encompassing entelechy, a life-sustaining force supporting the creation of various things (Liu, 2006). Dao in effect, covers the whole cosmos from its birth or creation. Moreover, Dao refers to cosmic order and in some ways, is considered the truth or reality. Within the holistic cosmic understanding, this cosmic order covers majority of human relations and affairs (Liu, 2006). In effect, Dao includes a moral implication, being the proper way of states taking part in the human world. As Dao is considered the “right way,” it also represents the way which should be taken by individuals. In the more overreaching sense, Dao represents the highest moral standard for humans. Qi is also another element of Chinese cosmology, very much relating to the concept of Dao. There is no definite English translation for qi, but in general it is understood as something referring to energy, life-flows, and spirit (Liu, 2006). Chinese cosmology considers qi as a precursor to matter with the elemental breaking up of qi forming matter. All matters are made up of qi and levels of purity often indicate the different degrees of existence (Liu, 2006). Humans are perceived as possessing the purest qi with lower animals having less pure qi. Qi breaks down, however it is never consumed or diminished (Ames, 2005). Qi covers the universe with the universe representing the totality of qi being constantly mobilized and changed. The cosmos is therefore perceived as inclusive of qi without having a will or mind of its own (Ames, 2005). Such force covers most aspects of the cosmos, with all matters being connected as a strong organic whole. Chinese cosmology has been considered correlative with cosmologies being understood as frameworks of ideas which manage the universe as an ordered tool, evaluating it in relation to space, time, and motion, and populating it with humans, spirits, gods, and demons (Wang, 2000). Chinese cosmology therefore includes a comprehensive system of connected networks, supported by interlinked pairs (based on Yin-Yang), fours (based on the four directions), fives, (based on five phrases or Wuxing), and eights (founded on Eight Trigrams) (Wang, 2000). This interconnected system is supported by the orderly relations of the various elements of reality in the cosmos, considering variables for the universe, including the human body, behaviour, historical shifts, time, space, seasons, and natural incidents. Schwartz (2009) discusses that Chinese cosmology reflects the science of the concrete, one which includes the anthropocosmology wherein processes and incidents in nature match variables of the human world. In China, the initial cultural-political application was seen in the initial stage of its empire for the last four centuries (Schwartz, 2009). The political shifts allowed for correlative cosmology as common discussions through which competing social elements were allowed to relate with each other. Such changes were also evaluated within the standards of the new empire and indicated social elements of everyday life (Puett, 2002). In effect, Chinese cosmology proceeded to be a major application of the political discussions which was crucial to the creation of the imperial politics of early China; and this has been persistent in impacting on imperial history for many years since (Puett, 2002). The establishment of the main elements of Chinese correlative cosmology, known as the Wuxing, appropriately demonstrates how cosmology and the Chinese empire creation were generally productive for both parties. Wuxing is supported by five elements – wood, fire, earth, metal, and water (Wang, 2000). It is also a system which has become significant for other systems and groupings, supporting other elements under these categories (Wang, 2006). Still, more significant over its task as a tool of classification, Wuxing is a cosmology referring to change. The five cosmic energies are based on significant interactions, covering each other in a circular hierarchy (Wang, 2006). Wuxing integrates incidents with the cosmic turnabouts of the five phases, supporting and explaining incidents of the human world to support actions. The general definition of Wuxing is still being discussed (Wang, 2006). It is generally translated as Five Elements, often used as a term referring to comparative understandings for Chinese thought. However, elements do not entirely cover the Chinese word Wuxing, which literally translates to five “goings” or “doings” (Schwartz, 1996). Scholars suggest other explanations, mostly covering five forces, agents, and stages of change (Schwartz, 1996). Out of these explanations, the five phases have gained greater support from experts. Wuxing covers numerous elements, concepts, philosophies, state of mind or a fixed representation (Brindley, 2012). It is also a cultural incident which changes with time, a rich coverage for political discussions and power relations, and a form of action within a setting of change and conflict (Brindley, 2012). Political players consider Wuxing cosmology while discussing imperial sovereignty, and in managing power and social rankings. Differences in Wuxing cosmology represent the alteration of political culture for early China. Through scientific discoveries supporting the reconstruction of the Bronze Age, more scholars have considered explorations on the roots of Wuxing to its earliest applications, and then to the cosmology of the Four Quarters or the Sifang (Wang, 2000). Even as some resemblance is seen in the manifestation of Sifang and Wuxing, there are basic differences between the two in terms of their functions and applications. Wuxing manifested in the third and fourth centuries during the Bronze Age and imperial age transition (Nielson, 2003). At this point, Wuxing included specific structural and symbolic elements of Sifang and later included various elements of classification which was seen at that time for their rituals. In effect, Wuxing was considered informally and unsystematically (Nielson, 2003). With the creation of the centralized empires, it was transformed to cover the following elements: the foundation of correlative cosmology, the primary tool of classification, and the shared discussion for various interest groups in their political relations (Svarverud, 1998). In order to understand the interaction of the cosmology and the empire, there is a need to reassess the resources and assumptions apparent in the re-evaluation of the subject (Hwang, 1996). The close relations for politics, including the power relations in society and cosmology and the perception of the cosmos as an orderly system have been recognized as the basic conception of Chinese politics (Hwang, 1996). However, contemporary disciplinary units have divided such union into various paired oppositions, including philosophy against history, ideas against institutions, words against deeds, culture against politics, etc. (Wang, 2000). Chinese historians have evaluated cosmology mainly as a tool of thought and they have been very much preoccupied with its roots. For Han Dynasty scholars, Wuxing cosmology includes an ordered pattern of the universe, which was also applied in establishing human culture (Loewe, 2011). Such scholars credited the power of Wuxing cosmology for its specific and ancient roots, with images coming from above and acknowledged by ancient sages. This concept of the divine foundations of Wuxing cosmology was discounted within the context of imperial history, and its impact is still relevant at present (Loewe, 2011). A significant achievement for contemporary historical applications includes the demystification of the roots of Wuxing cosmology. Henderson (2011) discusses the critic on basic cosmology during the imperial era, mostly by the scholars from the Qing dynasty. These scholars were involved in differentiating original classic texts with forgeries, and indicating their hierarchy. In effect, they evaluated the application of these Wuxing cosmology texts, mostly in terms of dating and authorship (Wang, 2000). The criticism was however not orderly, mostly referring to textual reference, not so much its conceptualization and systematic application. The modern tools of textual analysis however became important resources in understanding Chinese history (Henderson, 2011). Through such heritage, modern critics reevaluated Wuxing cosmology by establishing the political standards upon which it was built and the political ideals of the Wuxing text forgers. Downplaying its sacred origins, such critics point out that Wuxing is a political resource; however, controlled by the tools of Qing scholars, such critic was based on textual applications (Henderson, 2011). Moreover, they considered cosmology to be a result of textual forgeries by Qin and Han scholars supported by their utilitarian goals. This conclusion decreased a significant cultural incident to a lie made up by devious usurpers seeking to conceal the primary issue of power. This reductionism indicates that politics is the actual scenario, impacting on life, and cultural production was based on a deceptive resource applied to strengthen and provide mystery to such power (Lewis, 2005). Contrary to historians who prioritized politics, historians of philosophy and science evaluated Wuxing cosmology according to a perception, or a school of philosophy. Although differentiated in terms of application and, scholars suggest that the establishment of Wuxing cosmology is based on the ideas of Zou Yan, which has been labelled as Yin-Yang jia (Wang, 2000). Such school includes magic and science. Yan managed the older concept of the Five Materials into Wuxing, allowing these to serve as the dynamic cycles of cosmic energy. During the second millennium BC China, there was already a dependence on the sky for guidance. The calendar, the orientation of space, the conduct of occupations, and the setting of religious ceremonies were based on the emperor’s understanding and appreciation of the cosmos (Pankenier, 1995). The power to understand the worldly rhythms and securing conformity with changes and human ventures was a major qualification for Chinese leadership. This indicates that the relations with the early dynasties were considered a symbol for legitimacy on the power and its succession. Under these conditions, early Chinese cases, politics, and military behaviour were often impacted by the celestial and cosmic elements (Pankenier, 1995). An assessment of events involving the Zhou entry into Shang confirms the role of ancient astrological traditions with the belief that the conquest was part of Heaven’s Mandate. The events and subsequent actions from the Chinese leaders indicate the Chinese utilization of cosmological and astronomical elements in their decision making schemes (Pankenier, 1995). The conviction in cosmic retribution became the basis for classical Chinese religion and politics. For the Han Dynasty, such belief was seen in the concept of action and response. In other words, such idea perceived most human actions triggering cosmic response which is ideally matched with a corresponding action (Brokaw, 1991). As Han scholars used cosmic retribution to evaluate the primary order of politics, their considerations focused on the emperor. The emperor, they believed had a central and crucial role and place in the cosmic order. His role was to ensure harmony for the three realms – heaven, earth, and humans (Brokaw, 1991). Confucian beliefs also support the notion that heaven, earth, and humans make up a trinity with the heaven having its seasons, the earth having its resources, and humans armed with their government. Based on these concepts, Han theorists indicate that the emperor’s role is to establish a harmony between these three units (Brokaw, 1991). Where the emperor performed his job well, the cosmos would be able to function well. Failing that, issues would arise in any or all of these realms. Conclusion Based on the above discussion, it is apparent to note that ancient China has been richly influenced by cosmology. Cosmology implies transcendent matters which include the world in general, the environment, space, time, and the cosmos. Its general implication refers to the harmony of nature and human elements. In ancient China’s politics, cosmology has played a major role, especially as the cosmos, including the harmony between the heavens, the earth, and humans have been considered significant aspects of their political culture. The role of the leader is on harmonizing these elements allowing the cosmic energy to flow based on the more holistic and encompassing elements of governance, human relations, and the world in general. References Ames, R. (2005). Collaterality in Early Chinese Cosmology: An Argument for Confucian Harmony (he) as Creatio In Situ. Taiwan Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 2, no. 1: 43-70. Brindley, E. (2012). Music, cosmology, and the politics of harmony in early China. New York: SUNY Press. Brokaw, C. (1991). The ledgers of merit and demerit: social change and moral order in late imperial China. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Faure, B. (2005). PAN GU and his descendants: Chinese Cosmology in Medieval Japan. Taiwan Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 2, no. 1: 71-88. Henderson, J. (2011). The development and decline of Chinese Cosmology. London: Windstone Press. Hwang, M. (1996). Ming-tang. China: UMI. Lewis, M. (2005). Suny Series in Chinese philosophy and culture: Construction of space in early China. New York: SUNY Press. Liu, J. (2006). An introduction to Chinese philosophy: from ancient philosophy to Chinese Buddhism. Sydney: Wiley & Sons. Loewe, M. (2011). Dong Zhongshu, a ‘Confucian’ Heritage and the Chunqiu Fanlu. London: BRILL. Nielson, B. (2003). A Companion to Yi Jing Numerology and Cosmology: Chinese Studies of Images and Numbers from Han (202 BCE-220 BCE) to Song (960-1279 CE). Melbourne: Routledge. Pankenier, D. (1995). The cosmo-political background of Heaven’s Mandate. Early China, vol. 20: 121-125. Puett, M. (2002). To become a god: cosmology, sacrifice, and self-divinization in early China. Thailand: Harvard Univ Asia Center. Schwartz, B. (1996). China and other matters. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Schwartz, B. (2009). The world of thought in ancient China. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press Svarverud, R. (1998). Methods of the way: Early Chinese ethical thought. London: BRILL. Wang, A. (2000). Cosmology and political culture in Early China. Purdue University. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wang, A. (2006). Cosmology and political culture in early China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Read More