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Perhaps the most notable instance this mode of political consensus has been implemented is in wartime situations. Within the United Kingdom the 20th century witnessed a major instance of wartime consensus proceeding World War II where it’s argued that consensus politics culminated in the Labour party’s victory. This essay considers that the idea of a wartime consensus culminating in Labour’s election victory fades the closer you get to it. The popular perspective had considered that following World War II the political situation in Britain was such that an overwhelming consensus resulted in the election of the Labour Party.
Recognition of this perspective takes into account historical perspectives on the Labour Party. While the Labour Party has been in existence since the early years of the 20th century they assumed great control during the period surrounding World War II. In 1940 the Labour Party returned to government as a part of the wartime coalition; during this period Clement Attlee was appointed the Lord Privy Seal (Pimlott 1994, p. 225). Following the end of the war, the Labour Party contested the 1945 general election and won a large-scale victory.
Clement Attlee then assumed control and one of the most radical government’s in British history was instituted. It is this victory that many have contested was the result of wartime consensus. . mplements a number of notions within this spectrum of investigation, perhaps the central thorough-put of his argument is the contention that rather than constituting an actual consensus, this notion has been constructed by individuals attempting to establish a mythic ‘golden age’ of British history.
As noted, this perspective has been embraced by a large number of theorists (Rollings 1994; Kelly 2002; Ellison 1994). The broad spectrums of these theoretical perspectives have considered a variety of ideological differences that occurred between the main political parties during this period. Rather than constituting a golden age of consensus politics, Pimlott (1994, p. 231) notes that there was considerable Conservative hostility towards universal welfare benefits. Kelly (2002, p. 21) considers that in 1956 Anthony Crosland made a large-scale plea for the left to oppose conservative ideas; this is believed to demonstrate a general lack of qualitative accord among political perspectives during this period.
Pimlott has extended the situation through metaphorical notions. He states (1988, p. 232), “sandbagged in their electoral trenches, early postwar voters can be seen as the anonymous infantry of two implacably opposed armies in an era of adversarial politics, with the middle-way Liberals floundering in no man’s land.” To a large degree what Pimlott has established with these notions is a mode of myth-making that seemingly implements higher degrees of fact-based understanding. While Pimlott’s perspectives have gained widespread support there also exists a strong contingent of theorists who hold to the consensus perspective (Kavanagh 1994; Addison 1992).
Paul Addison is the theorist perhaps most identified with consensus notions of post-war politics (Addison
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