The Main Features of Deng-Era Political Reform - Essay Example

Describe the main features of Deng-era political reform. What were some of the most important changes introduced and how successful have these changes been? Deng Xiaoping’s era was marked as the “decade of reform” as it effected a total revamp of the legal system, brought in more democracy at government and party levels, gave more freedom for the people for self-government and became a new era of hope for the Chinese republic. A transformation from communism to socialist democracy was visible in all spheres. This change brought about also the development of a socialist political civilization. It was a time when writers, a group of Marxist theoreticians, scientists and their disciple-students were lining up for democracy and forming a network (Goldman, 2). They had a vision that, in order to nourish democracy, a limit has to be drawn on the powers of the ruling Marxist Party (Goldman, 2). Deng era was also an era of legal reforms. There was a steady reform process going on to establish a socialist legal system. A more independent judiciary and freedom of press evolved through this. In this way, the political reform in China was coming of age by effective changes in administrative and legal systems and policies. In this way, the reform era marked the establishment of a full-fledged legal system, where laws were enacted and codified and a regular network of courts started functioning. The reach and effectiveness of judiciary was considerably increased with effective monitoring and punitive provisions wherever pitfalls were seen. The reforms included, giving more self-determination powers and self rule provisions to ethnic groups and regions, more democratic election process at party-level and government-level and more centralized administration of remote regions of the nation. Multiple candidates were allowed in the elections for the people’s congresses and this was for the first time after revolution (Goldman, 13). Also secret ballot system was introduced (Goldman, 13). In 1987, the elections to the Central Committee were held in the 13th Party Congress, allowing multiple candidates (Goldman, 13). Soon after taking charge of the nation, Deng removed all intellectuals from the category that comes under the term, ‘bourgeoisie’ (Goldman, 30). Elections were allowed for deciding the administrative heads of professional and scientific establishments (Goldman, 30). All these initiated a new vigor in Chinese political scene. The proclaimed slogan of Deng-era had been “political democratization” (Goldman, 35). All these reforms have been successful when viewed from the side of democracy but they resulted in the lessening of the power of the party. If viewed from the side of the implementers of these reforms, it can be seen that the reforms did bring in more democracy but also weakened the existing domination of the party. The most important aspect of reforms has been that a well-defined system for scrutinizing and recording social situations was established and also a space was provided for public discourses and grievance-hearing onsocial issues. All these changes together saw the birth of a new socialist China where people had more rights and more freedom. 2. What are the basic element and goals in Deng’s economic reform agenda? What are the major obstacles to successfully completion the economic reform process? Deng’s economic reform agenda looked forward to correcting the anomalies in China’s economy and helping it grow. But despite the few benefits harvested from the reforms through privatisation and new tax system, major sectors like agriculture, industry, finance and foreign trade failed to reap the promises of the reform. The focus was on a socialist economy which could only be developed through extensive industrialization. The major aspect of economic reform in Deng-era was the decentralization that was initiated (Shen, 9 of preface). The key elements of the reform were, “readjustment, restructuring, consolidation and improvement” (Shen, 17). The vision was to increase the nation’s economic strength and rise the living standards of the people. The major objectives of reform had been to modernize agriculture, industry, science & technology and the military through a socialist centralised yet well-planned economy. The magnitude of change that was brought about in economic sphere is reflected in that China introduced 580 new laws to regulate and promote trade and business (Shen, p.9 of preface). The basic goals of the reforms were, “integration of China’s domestic economy into the world arena”, and industrial modernization to give boost to the stagnating, totally state-owned industry sector (Shen, p.9-10 of preface). The basic element of the reform strategy was that individuals replace government controlled collectives in trade and commerce. The attempt was to create conducive atmosphere for small-scale private businesses to sprout and take root (Shen, p.10 of preface). In 1979, doors were opened to foreign investors through the Joint Capital Venture Law (Shen, p.10 of preface). Eventually, this resulted in the emergence of “domestic-foreign joint ventures” as well (Shen, p.10 of preface). The economic reforms brought in greater inequality in agricultural sector by widening the rich-poor divide. Farmers who practiced high tech and high value agriculture with huge investments flourished while marginal farmers with minimal resources failed to survive competition. Similarly, the new tax-collection system could not prevent leakages and misreporting. Corruption was another serious problem that tampered the reform process. Another major obstacle to the reform has been that complete political reforms did not accompany the economic reforms (Hamrin and Zhao, 139). Hence the conservatives in the existing political system could always slow down the economic reform process (Hamrin and Zhao, 139). The dissatisfaction that fermented out of the injustices and inequalities that signify market-based reforms was also very high (Hamrin and Zhao, 140). Industry and foreign trade and foreign investment fields also did not fare well. Large-scale privatization affected community level and rural level economies. The market presence of Township and Village Enterprises were highly diminished. The economy had a tilt towards certain regions while some other regions remained highly underdeveloped. Many of the mushrooming enterprises happened to be very short-lived. The multiple price structure introduced as part of the reform opened up new loopholes for the growth of corruption. The prices of everyday commodities though highly regulated were not brought under a regular price system. The absence of an independent central bank and the bureaucracy of local politics that hampered the loan-giving potential of local banks were other issues involved. In this way, the top down flow of money and the establishment of a networked financial flow system were only partially realised. The intense urbanization also added a new set of problems to China’s economic scene. 3. What were the main causes and dynamics of the Tiananmen (June 4) incident? Were china’s conservatives correct to blame Deng’s reform policies for the mass protests of May-June 1989? The Tiananmen square Incident was a spontaneous reaction by people in favor of democracy and freedom but the conservative elements in Chinese society interfered in this people’s non-violent action to smuggle in their political interests as well. The immediate causes of Tiananmen square incident have been attributed to the Hu Yaobang incident. Hu Yaobang was a staunch supporter of reforms and also a supporter of student agitation for democracy, but as he went too far in his support, he was compelled to resign his position as Secretary-General of CPP (Stewart, 96). On April 15, 1989, Hu died dramatically, while arguing with the conservatives in the politburo meeting (Stewart, 96). This was what sparked off the Tianenment incident, as students and youngsters assembled there to mourn his death whom they considered the beacon of freedom and democracy (Stewart, 96). The alienation of the Chinese people and especially intellectuals by the Chinese state, and the presence of regression and lack of democracy in the Chinese society were the underlying causes. It is also been assessed that it was the effort by “China’s democratic elite”, who “in reaction to the Cultural Revolution, sought to humanize Marxist-Leninist ideology” (Goldman, 1). But, to their surprise, these intellectuals were finding out that even in reformist era of Deng, they were under the threat of persecution by the state (Goldman, 8). Protestors in Tianenmen square were not only intellectuals but also, workers, entrepreneurs, and even communist cadres and leaders. These reformists though inspired by democracy and provoked by the retaliating state, were also influenced by the Western ideology. The economic reforms initiated by Deng produced a new middle class and a new group of private entrepreneurs who were to become partners in the agitation for democracy (Goldman, 9). And many in China were feeling that that Communist rule did not make the country prosper, to the extent it was expected (Goldman, 9). All these social factors had contributed to the brewing up of the Tianenmen incident. But it has to be kept in mind that Deng’s reform policies were only one among these factors. The openness and tolerance to opposite views, in the Chinese society imparted by the reforms of course did have an influence on the events that led up to Tianenmen square incident. The mass protests that happened in May-June 1989 in Tianenmen square were, in that sense, a protest against the all-encompassing power of the Communits Party, an expression of desire for more individual freedom and democracy, and also a desire to be like the West, in combination. The Tiananmen incident was an opportunity for the Chinese people to realise how the world stood by them in criticising Chinese leadership. Tianenmen incident also showed how conservatives were justified in doubting the Deng Xiaoping reforms. But this criticsm was not in favor of the general social good, as the conservatives were only trying to protect their powers and priveleges. The economic failure of Soviet communist experiment also led to great disillusionment in China, which was in turn influenced by the movements for democracy in other communist countries. But in retrospection, it can be seen that the critics of Chinese communist experiment were not able to put forth a viable alternative. 4. Why has it been so difficult for China’s leaders to successfully arrange for a stable leadership succession? Draw on the rise and fall of two of the following: Hua Guofeng, Hu Yaobang , Zhao Ziyang or Jiang Zemin to answer this question. It has been the supreme power associated with the leadership and the party in China that makes it difficult for China’s leaders to successfully arrange for a stable leadership succession. The prospective successor might always be in dread of the leaders’ widows and other kinsmen and friends who could any time claim for the positions held by the existing leaders. This was so because there was no institutionalized system of succession. Power, when held by a single person, for a ling time, will have an impact on the person as well as on others. It is not easy to break this aura that accumulates around the leader and find a new face to succeed. Hence, when a leader loses his/her power, there is a high possibility of political chaos to take over. The one party system in China is found to make matters worse by preventing new leaders with a new vision and different opinion from developing. Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were the prospective candidates at the time of Deng’s retirement, because they were both general secretaries of the CCP, but Deng felt they were not up to the mark when it came to continuing the reforms that he had initiated (Goodman, 102). Zhao as Provincial Secretary in Sichuan had effectively applied “capitalist market system” and succeeded in increasing agricultural production which was the turning point in his political career (Choy Lee, 249). Zhao Ziyang was a provincial official who started his party career in Guangdong Province but fell from favor during the Cultural Revolution. He was considered as the man behind redeveloping Sichuan Province’s economy through agriculture and industrialization. Deng Xiaoping noticed him and raised him to become the Prime Minister of the Chinese Republic during the period, 1980-87. Zhao Ziyang was lauded as the pioneer of market economy in China but in 1989, he was expelled from the party for his extremely pro-capitalist views (Choy Lee, 249). It was after the Tianenmen incident that his fall began from the political heights (Choy Lee, 249). He had fallen prey to the conservative group inside the party and he was crushed under the supreme authority of his leader, Deng Xiaoping who was called the paramount leader (Choy Lee, 249). Zhao had refused to use military power against students in Tianenmen square and after the incident, Deng withdrew from all commitments he had made regarding democracy and persecuted Zhao who had disagreed. In this way, the revolt against the supremacy of the party and its leadership was what caused the downfall of this leader as well. Zhao Ziyang was arrested by police and was held under house arrest till death. Hu Yaobang, though a close friend of Deng, became the symbol of resistance against him for the Chinese people. Deng had given Hu the responsibility of national policy personal and propaganda. Deng had also entrusted Hu with the political reforms in China. And Hu sincerely tried to change China into a democracy. Hu was always a propoter of young minds and new ideas and he had become party chairman in 1981 and secretary in 1983. The dramatic death of Hu Yaobang arguing for reforms until his last breath was an accident. But his death was the last act in a progression of events, which represented the successor dilemma and the intolerance inherent in the party system. 5. In what ways have state-society relations changed in three-plus decades since Mao’s death? In what ways have they remained the same? What are the prospects of a society-led political transition in China? After Mao’s death, the reformers took over, who thought drastic changes were needed in state-society relations (McCromick, p.11 of preface). Since then, through the reforms, the state has been made “more inclusive and more rational-legal” (McCromick, p.11 of preface). All the same, the supremacy of the Communist Party was maintained (McCromick, p.11 of preface). The decentralization of power to provinces and municipalities was a major step but it affected all-inclusive policy formulations and their implementation. “Dukedoms argument” which says that decentralization of power will lead to local governments aiming quick profits, and designing their actions accordingly, became right in the case of China. This change resulted in economic chaos and regional level contradictions. As local governments and private businesses became allies in corruption and profiteering, national income generation faced a set back. But along with this, the conservative forces within the state leadership has been alert to thwart the reforms beyond certain extent (McCromick, p.11 of preface). The Tianenmen square incident had badly affected the state-society relationship and its shadow is still looming over China (McCromick, p.11 of preface). The demand for total political reforms is on the rise inside the nation. In areas like agriculture, contract system has been initiated which is instrumental in building horizontal relations (McCromick, 2). Many new laws have been enacted to protect individual freedom and rule of law which has given the people confidence to raise their voice for what they think is right (McCromick, 2). In this way, people have regained confidence in the state and have developed a new sense of belonging. All these changes have sowed the seeds of democracy in China and the society has been looking forward for it to sprout and grow. China is moving towards a real society-led political transition. No blood will have to be shed in this process as this movement uses marketization and globalization as its vehicles of change. 6. How successful has the CCP been in reformulating its ideology as an effective means of re –legitimating CCP rule in an era in which Marxist beliefs are increasingly seen as irrelevant to the policy challenges of contemporary China ? Defend your view as concretely as possible. During the reform period, Chinese Communist Party adopted the total development and well-being of the people as its political objective, which meant that the ideology was getting reformed to become more humanist and people-centered. In this context, in 2007, a declaration was made by President Hu Jintao that, “free and comprehensive development of each person is the essence of the ideal society” (as cited by Keping, 45). The rising middle class in China had an indifferent attitude towards democracy as far as they continued to be the beneficiaries of a market led economy. This led to a system where there was capitalism without democracy. Also, the influential class wanted to stop the continuation of the reform process once their needs had been fulfilled. This was out of a fear that the next step in reform will be only beneficial to the lower sections of the society. Since the primary assets of Chinese became private property, the basic socialist fabric has been destroyed or rather nullified.   When scrutinized, it can be seen that the CCP is becoming more accomodative to social inequalities and the leaders have been resorting to populism and career advancement policies. But, on the other hand, this is a social lobby emerging the function of which is to legitimize this new ideological position. And this is why Chinese leadership does not see any contradiction in vooing capitalists and proclaiming working class ideology in the same breath. Being a member of the party offers many priveleges now and the membership is more easily available. In the post-Deng period, party carried out extensive propaganda and thought work to retain its power over the people and the country. The party has been using all new modes of information and communication technology, like DVDs, mobile phones, television etc. The fear of chaos is evoked constantly in the minds of the people so that they accept the ‘stability’ provided by CCP. The Chinese government has also started the system of “spin doctors” who are trained PR personnel available on call in all government ministries to deal with crisis sitautions. In totality, what China has done to retain the power of the party is to present the reforms in the old bottle of ideology and strengthening it with propaganda. It has been observed that the CCP “has (also) become less interventionist in economic management” in China which is one change that the party has made in its ideological position so as to adjust with the economic reforms (Draguhn and Goodman, 251). The provincial natives began to be allowed to become leaders in their own provinces as well as at national level. Human rights, which was hitherto thought of as “an outgrowth of capitalist ideology”, became assimilated into the Marxist discourse and ideology (Keping, 46). The concept of rule of law was also incorporated into official policy documents. The Property Law of China was introduced to ensure that just like the property rights of the state or the collective, the property rights of the “person and other right-holders” are also protected by law (Keping, 47). This was another major ideological position change on the part of CCP in re-legitimating its rule in the reform era. It is also curious to note that instead of class struggle, social harmony has become the intrinsic value of Chinese society in the past two decades. 7. Evaluate the successes as well as failures of two prominent political reforms: village elections and legal “rule of law” reforms. Which of the two seem to you to be more successful? Why? Defend your view as concretely as possible. The village elections, as a political reform, have been able to build the foundations of democracy in China at the grass roots level. This is so because 69% of the population of the country lives in the villages (Li, 10). But one criticism against the present mode of village elections is that they do not offer the rural people real choice. This is because the scope for village democracy is very low in a system which is full of the remnants of authoritarianism. Since 1997, when the Fifteenth National Congress of the CCP put forth the establishment “of a Socialist country under the rule of law”, this concept became part of the national strategy (Li, 47). Though the Chinese government has abandoned a “centralized, planned economy”, it has not yet built the extensive infrastructure required in maintaining a “mixed economy” (Shen, 20). The reforms have been greatly successful because many human rights and individual rights were weaved into the very social fabric of China by way of a series of newly enacted laws and also by amending the Constitution and other civil and criminal laws (Turner-Gottschang, Feinerman and Guy, 21). Thus a proper legal infrastructure has been constructed for the nation (Turner-Gottschang, Feinerman and Guy, 21). The legal man-power system has also been developed correspondingly. But there have been pitfalls as well. For, example, the rule of law failed to restrain corruption and consumer fraud just because there are no effective laws. Also, the centralized nature of the political structure of China has left its remnants in the economic realm as well, resulting in hurdles for private entrepreneurs in matters related to the contract system, bankruptcy rules, and patent rules. It is also criticized that law has not yet been able to “transcend politics” (Turner-Gottschang, Feinerman and Guy, 22). But as a whole, the rule of law has been more successful than the village election reform just because the law is more a public, universal and transparent matter than an election process, which is always held under the aegis of the local party leadership. Battles based on law can be fought in public and with the help of the established and accepted legal system but a democratic battle in a remote village of China is prone to be affected by fear or party influences. Also, the chances of positive democratic outcomes in a village election depend highly on the nature of the local party leadership in that village. But regarding rule of law, there are universal interpretations which once enacted, even the highest authority is obliged to follow. Works Cited Choy Lee, Khoon, “Pioneers of Modern China: Understanding the Inscrutable Chinese”, Singapore: World Scientific, 2005. Print. Draguhn, Werner and Goodman, David.S., “China's Communist Revolutions: Fifty Years of the People's Republic of China”, London:Routledge, 2002.Print. Goldman, Merle, “Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era”, Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1994.Print. Goodman, David.S.G., “Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution: A Political Biography”, London: Routledge, 1994.Print. Hamrin, Carol Lee and Zhao, Suisheng, “Decision-making in Deng's China: Perspectives from Insiders”, New York: M.E.Sharpe, 1995. Print. Keping, Yu, Ideological Change and Incremental Democracy in Reform-Era China”, In China’s Changing Political Landscape: Prospects for Democracy, Chang Li, Massachusetts Avenue: Brookings Institution Press, 2008.Print. Li, Chang, “Assessing China’s Political Development”, In China’s Changing Political Landscape: Prospects for Democracy, Chang Li, Massachusetts Avenue: Brookings Institution Press, 2008.Print. McCromick, Barret.L., “Political Reform in Post-Mao China: Democracy and Bureaucracy in a Leninist State”, California: University of California Press, 1990. Print. Shen, Raphael, “China's Economic Reform: An Experiment in Pragmatic Socialism”, London: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000.Print. Shen, Yuanyuan, “Conceptions and Receptions of Legality: Understanding the Complexity of Law Reform in Modern China”, In The Limits of the Rule of Law in China, Karen Turner-Gottschang, James Vincent Feinerman and R.Kent Guy, Washington: University of Washington Press, 2000. Print. Stewart, Whitney, “Deng Xiaoping: Leader in a Changing China”, Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books, 2001. Print. Read More