Reasons for Terrorism in Northern Ireland: A Cultural Perspective - Research Paper Example

Module Reasons for Terrorism in Northern Ireland: A Cultural Perspective A brief overview into the timeline of Northern Ireland reveals a past riddled with violence and terror acts over the last century. The situation in Northern Ireland is particularly confounding since Northern Ireland has gone through a similar political dispensation like Wales and Scotland yet these have not experienced similar terrorism in modern times (Rubin and Rubin 60-61). Therefore, a theoretical explanation towards the terrorism in Northern Ireland may not follow the same patterns as global terrorism or other forms of terrorism. There is thus need to establish an explanation based on a sound theoretical basis which informs the need for this study. A brief background on the problem - terrorism in Northern Ireland - will be followed by a discussion of the terrorism based on a cultural perspective. Constructed on the view that political and sectarian perspectives, based on Catholicism and Protestantism, have been exploited by terrorists to perpetrate their activities, this study is guided by the thesis that a cultural perspective can best explain the terrorism in Northern Ireland. THE PROBLEM According to Archick (6), although nationalism in Ireland is historical, contemporary violence and accompanied terrorism can be traced back to the 1921 division of Ireland which resulted in an independent Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland being part of the United Kingdom. Murchu (383) states that sectarian ethno-religious causes were the main drivers of riots in Belfast. Rubin and Rubin (61) explain that after the first phase of fighting (before, during and after the separation), a second phase occurred between the nationalists who accepted compromise with Britain and the radicals who rejected this. While eventually the moderates would prevail, elements of radicalism were preserved through the Irish Republican Army which is responsible for a number of terrorist attacks over several decades. Important to this study is the third era of terror in Northern Ireland, which began in the mid 1960s and depicted contemporary violence in Northern Ireland. This was basically between the Protestants who strongly favored ties with Britain and Catholics who were against this (Rubin and Rubin 61). The initial grievances (equal rights for the minority Catholics) were quickly hijacked by Irish nationalism issues with both sides forming militias. Archick (1) states that there have been over 3500 deaths in Northern Ireland since 1969 that are associated to the just described militia activities. Although there has been considerable peace in Northern Ireland since the 1990s especially after political power-sharing agreements between the Protestants and the Catholics, terrorist attacks in 2009 at the Massereene army base in Antrim indicate the volatility that still pervades (Coll). Role of Sectarianism in Terrorism in Northern Ireland: Although a number of perspectives can be used to describe the terrorism in Northern Ireland including economic considerations and political/nationalistic tendencies, it is discernible that all these descend to expression through religious permutations. Terrorism can be viewed as an act of deviance explainable through a cultural perspective framework. As Adler and Adler (47) argue deviance is a collective act that is driven and carried out by groups of people who exist in dominant or subordinate situations and have conflicting interests including on social, religious, political, economic and ethnic fronts amongst others. In such cases, membership into these groups places individuals in distinct sub-cultures with a given set of values and norms that effectively differentiate them from another group, usually a nemesis. This grouping of people in society provides the basis of the cultural perspective. It is evident that the society of Northern Ireland is grouped into two main divisions in this case on a religious basis i.e. the Catholics and Protestants. Therefore, one of the main elements of the cultural perspective is clearly discernible. Further, the groups have to exist in some form of dominant-non-dominant relationship which is also true for this case in Northern Ireland where there is a Protestant majority of 53% and a Catholic minority of 44% (Archick 1). Out of these demographics, political fronts are pursued with the former group (Protestants) ascribing to unionism with the rest of the UK while the latter group considers itself nationalist and agitates for integrating into Ireland. We can thus clearly see a set of beliefs/values being ascribed to the groups present in Northern Ireland. Belonging to either group effectively ascribes individuals to the given set of values, in this case nationalism or unionism. As Adler and Adler (47) further explain, existence of competing groups in a pluralist nation in which one becomes dominant means that one of the given sets of values will be considered as deviance. Northern Ireland is part of the UK and thus sentiments which state otherwise (nationalism) are in essence, a form of deviance. Opposing behavior to the dominant system is viewed as being representative of the acts of selfless soldiers who have a cause to fight against encroachment by the nemesis (48). This is especially true in Northern Ireland where according to Global Security (2011) one of the main hindrances to lasting peace is the misconception that Irish terrorists are freedom fighters. For instance, Global Security states that Americans mostly of Irish descent empathize with Irish terrorists in the belief that they are legit freedom crusaders and thus provide them with significant financial and moral support which sustains terrorist activities. After establishing of a society with groups consisting of individuals who have sub-cultural values that they ascribe to and believe to be correct, it is then easy for terrorism to find root and grow. Adler and Adler (48) states that such cultural explanations apply for conflicts among cultural groups that share close geographic regions and especially where there is the presence of normative and value domination of one culture by another or domination of one culture over a number of others. This is the exact case in Northern Ireland where the Protestant majority and Catholic minority share a geographical region historically thus fulfilling the first prerequisite for the cultural approach to hold. Secondly, the Catholics have conviction that they are dominated and thus are seen to act with deviance. In this religious/sectarian disposition, a fertile ground for terrorism to breed is provided. This is clearly visible over the last decade where terrorism in Northern Ireland has largely followed a dissident pattern with a terrorist group named Real IRA planning a number of successful and foiled attacks in the UK. This group describes itself as dissident republicans and is made up of hardliners against integration into the UK and is uncomfortable with the power-sharing agreement between the Protestant and Catholic political parties in Northern Ireland (Coll 2009). Here, it is clear that there is a general population that appreciates differences in political values exists carried along religious lines. However, terrorist elements emanate from the situation and achieve support and activity just as explained earlier. The cultural perspective of terrorism in Northern Ireland is therefore anchored on religious considerations through which the two groups bearing different political views identify themselves. Murchu (382-384) discusses the economic problems that helped fuel tension between the Catholics and Protestants and consequently degenerate into sectarian violence. Catholicism is associated with nationalism and thus is an identifying factor for such individuals while Protestantism is associated with unionism. The two groups help define political bearings within which extremist groups find space and support to operate and thus the observed terrorism. Demonstration of the Cultural Perspective in Action in Terrorism in North Ireland: Sectarian Violence: With the two groups that form the cultural basis already in place, the first seeds of terrorist elements first appeared in 1966 when the loyalist Protestants strengthened the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force), a paramilitary unit to help fight the already established Irish republican paramilitaries (Murchu 384). A number of civilians were attacked and killed as military elements based on the religious backgrounds took effect. The reasons for killings were mainly being from the other religion (which was translated to means ascribing to their political views) or sympathizing with the other group. The formation of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA/IRA) is of importance since the main objective of this was to drive forcibly the British out of Northern Ireland which signaled oncoming violence. The death tolls after this started swelling with civilians from either side suffering, for instance in 1970 when civilian deaths 94 alongside, 23 Republican and 3 Loyalist deaths (Rubin and Rubin 61-62). The IRA then descended into overt terrorism, planting a series of bombs in 1970 in offices and social gathering places in Belfast with the UVF retaliating by targeting a Catholic owned bar in the predominantly Catholic area, Falls, Belfast. The trend of targeting Protestants by the Republicans ad Catholics by the Loyalists continued over the next decades with bombs and shooting sprees occurring in areas considered predominantly Catholic or Protestant being targeted by the terrorist groups. For instance, Loyalists detonated bombs in Catholic-owned bars and the Imperial Hotel which is situated in a predominantly Catholic area in 1972 while the IRA detonates bombs in central Belfast a number of times within the same year. In 1973, the toll from terrorism is 263, with 133 of the victims being civilians from the two religions, 59 soldiers, 13 law enforcement officers, 37 republicans and 12 loyalists. By 1074, the IRA can be seen spreading its terrorist acts to other regions within the UK and not just Northern Ireland as they detonate bombs in Birmingham and London. In all the instances, there is a clear motive to target individuals from the other religion by the terrorists and retaliations following the same patterns (Rubin and Rubin 63-64). The Reasons behind Continuity in terrorism in Northern Ireland: The deep cultural background and grievances that inform the split in ideology between the two groups in Northern Ireland is to a large extent behind the perpetuation of terror in Northern Ireland despite the significant efforts undertaken by the involved parties. The deep beliefs that accompany republicanism versus being loyalist as embodied by Catholic or Protestant perceptions leads to rise of new terrorist elements every time the older ones decline in influence. Terrorism thus continually feeds on the cultural background of the conflict. The view above is first discernible when the Provisional Irish Republican Army accepted concessions and compromises from the British government. It is observed that a number of splinter terrorist groups from the original PIRA arose and continued to engage in terrorism. These were made of dissidents who were opposed to the abandonment of armed struggle against their nemesis. At the forefront of such groups were the Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) and the Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA), both of whose actual terrorist attacks and foiled ones indicated that they more extreme terrorists and willing to engage in increased militantism that the Provisional Irish Republican Army. CIRA was the first to be formed in 1986 after the PIRA agreed to take part in parliamentary elections. To some members of PIRA, this was utterly unacceptable and thus their response to create a more militant group (Mesquita 22). In a similar fashion, RIRA was formed in 1998 as a response to PIRA’s decision to accept a framework established in the Good Friday Peace Accords which involved power-sharing and a number of other compromises. RIRA was itself a more militant outfit, conducting terror acts in Northern Ireland and Britain with the view of undermining the British government-PIRA peace process and establishing itself as the primary militant group to drive Republicanism. Such acts include a missile attack on the British MI6 intelligence agency, an assault on Ebrington Barracks in Derry that had the potential to kill 20 soldiers were it not for a faulty fuse in the bomb, detonation of a car bomb in a crowded local rail station, and a bomb attack on the BBC (Cusack 3). There most notable terrorist act however is the Omagh bombing, a car bombing incident in shopper-filled town center which resulted in 29 deaths and 200 injuries and brought more focus on counter-terrorism in Britain. Together, the CIRA and RIRA militant groups executed about 80 terrorist acts towards the end of the 1990s and appeared more violent despite their lack of financial might. The perpetuation of terrorism in Northern Ireland thus follows a pattern where militantism is born and invigorated each time it seems like fading away with the traditional militant groups adopting less militant approaches. This is due to the cultural source and ideology of historical and critical dimensions in Northern Ireland on which the terrorism grows. Such perpetuation would be impossible under other explanations besides the cultural perspective where anti-establishment sentiments can be passed down generations. Belonging to either group results in owning the values set forth for the group and embracing them. In turn, terrorism not only finds financial sources from such a situation but also manpower with which to perpetrate, grow and evolve and thus the observed pattern of self-generating continuity from existing militant groups. The Challenge of dealing with Terrorism in Northern Ireland: Although it cannot be argued that terrorism in Northern Ireland has considerably toned down compared to the last half century to the turn of the millennium, the significant and unique problems that have been faced in stamping out this terrorism are further indicative of the culturalist explanation to it. According to Blackbourn (2011) the intonations by the UK administration that Northern Ireland cannot be reverted to its dark days may not be entirely accurate since terrorism is still a grim reality in Northern Ireland. Over the last decade, 68 deaths in Northern Ireland can be attributed to the conflict while only 57 deaths have occurred in the rest of Britain due to terrorism. When the relatively small population of Northern Ireland is taken into consideration, this situation is still problematic. After years of efforts, the terrorism alert threat levels due to Northern Ireland in Britain are Substantial (a strong possibility) and in Northern Ireland itself Severe (highly likely). In 2011, a number of bomb attacks have already been executed in Northern Ireland including the lethal car-bombing of a police constable. There has been increased frequency of real and hoax bomb alerts that have led to disruption of activities in parts of Derry, north Belfast, west Belfast and Lurgan in Northern Ireland in 2011 (Blackbourn). The current situation indicates that terrorism in Northern Ireland is still a central issue despite the historical and contemporary efforts to address it (European Police Office 11). The reason behind the difficulty in eliminating terrorism in Northern Ireland can find a basis in its cultural explanation. It feeds of long-held value- and perception-based feelings held between the loyalist Protestants and Republican Catholics. The result of this is that generation of extremist elements is difficult to prevent since the populations already have ill sentiments and ideas that define their view of their counterparts. Without the long-held values and traditions that inform the cultural basis, the terrorism in Northern Ireland should have withered with time or under the attention of the concerned parties. Instead, it usually finds members and financial support from which it can survive on since the cultural grievances that started it in the first place are not viewed as being solved. It is easier for extremists to recruit support in a society deeply embroiled in historical conflict on a cultural level than they would anywhere else. Solutions to the Northern Ireland Terrorism: The solutions and efforts at solutions implemented by the concerned parties (the British government, the Irish government and the militants among others) and their consequences also point towards the terrorism being explainable through a cultural perspective. It is necessary to first remember that feelings and perceptions of exclusion and domination of the Irish- majority were Catholics- by the loyalists- Scottish descendants who were predominantly Protestants- was the reason behind the divisions (Dingley 5-7). The society in Northern Ireland thus has always been characterized by descent from one group to a dominant other as explained in the cultural perspective (47). The terrorism that has been experienced in Northern Ireland feeds on this situation. It can thus be deduced that in case the underlying solutions to the cultural problem is found, the influence of terrorism will wane. In this case, the solution could either be the direct quest of the Republicans or another option that is deemed worth dropping hard-line positions over including chances of equality within Northern Ireland. This should be true in case the explanation of terrorism is cultural. According to Dingley (240), PIRA- the primary organization behind agitation and militantism in Northern Ireland- was a signatory of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. A closer look at the terms of this agreement reveals that it provided for devolution of power from Britain and allowed representatives from PIRA’s Sinn Fein to participate in government. This effectively sealed the commitment of PIRA to a peace process by making it oblige to the ethos of non-violent protest. Since then, PIRA does cannot consider a return to full-scale violence and terrorism since the social and political climate is favorable to the Republican cause to a large extent. The former militant group instead exists in a coalition government with made of Nationalist, Republican and Unionist parties following a referendum in 1999. The above occurrence and its consequences in terms of winning over the main group responsible for Republican military acts indicates that the problems that terrorism took advantage of were deep-lying socio-economic and political issues that shaped the cultural background of Northern Ireland. Once an avenue that was deemed acceptable among most of the Republicans was available, we can see a change in approach and commitment towards peace by the PIRA. This is to say that terrorism was pursued as among the ways of agitating for the grievances of the minority group in Northern Ireland and who shared a common cultural connection. The influence of the elements of dissatisfaction in PIRA’s chosen path should also be taken into consideration here especially when determining whether the terrorism can actually be explained through a cultural perspective. A discussion of the exploits of the CIRA and PIRA has already been undertaken with the peak of their activities happening during the epitome of the peace process; the referendum and entry of PIRA republicans into government. However, CIRA and FIRA failed to achieve significant backing from the Catholic group (the cultural group from which Republican terrorism had traditionally exploiting) in spite of their increased militarism. According to Mesquita (22) the efforts of RIRA failed more than they succeeded due to two main reasons; heightened counter-terrorism efforts from the parties concerned and secondly the widespread rejection of RIRA across all sections of society. In terms of counter-terrorism, significant efforts also emanated from PIRA which conducted its own crackdown on extremists amongst its Republican ranks and cautioned both FIRA and CIRA members of execution in case they violated its own ceasefires. An indication of the cultural explanation behind the terrorism is particularly discernible in the level of support withdrawal from terrorism that has taken place since the underlying issues have appeared to be taken into consideration. First, FIRA faced condemnation from both Protestants and Catholics after the Bombing of Omagh (Mesquita 22). Terrorist groups in Northern Ireland also missed out on the utterly vital donations from sympathizers from within Northern Ireland and from the Diaspora. Importantly, Americans of Irish background became interested in the concessions from the British government and the peace-making process while appreciating the efforts being made to address Irish grievances. Thus, the CIRA and RIRA were unable to attract significant support from the Provisional’s fundraising network as PIRA had earlier done. This withdrawal of support is indicative of the cultural causes behind the violence and terrorism as dealing with the socio-cultural message being channeled by terrorist groups played a significant part in reducing the financial and moral support they received from the diaspora. The increased desire of dissident groups to perpetrate terror without the cultural support translates to their inability to wield significant social, economic and political influence and thus renders them less powerful and influential. In essence, deviance failed to evoke support due weakness of the cultural basis that primarily drove it (Clinard and Meier 109). CONCLUSION Northern Ireland is historically associated with violence and widespread terrorism over the years. Uniquely, this terrorism follows the pattern of religious background, Catholicism versus Protestantism. A closer look however reveals that religious issues are not central to the conflict; instead, socio-political issues pervade the violence. The dominant Protestants are mainly in favor of being in union with Britain while the minority Catholic population is in favor of joining the Republic of Ireland. This situation informs the view that the terrorism in Northern Ireland can best be described through a cultural perspective theory in which acts of deviance gain support from the rest of dominated population. In this case, terrorist groups have been able to win empathy in terms of financial and moral support by ascribing to the socio-cultural message of republicanism versus unionism. Evidence of this is strengthened by three aspects of terrorism in Northern Ireland; the pattern of acts where Unionists targeted Catholics while Republican militants targeted Protestants; the continuity in perpetration and difficulty in stamping out the terrorism which is indicative of deep underlying socio-cultural issues; and lastly the most effective approach to solving the terrorist problem which has been through addressing the socio-cultural problems in Northern Ireland. This is sufficient evidence that a cultural perspective framework is the best way to explain the reasons behind terrorism in Northern Ireland. Works Cited Adler, Patricia A. and Adler, Peter. Constructions of Deviance: Social Power, Context and Interaction. USA: Thomson/Wadsworth, 2006. Print. Archick, Kristin. “Northern Ireland: The Peace Process”. Congressional Research Service. 2011. Blackbourn, Jessie. Northern Ireland: A Continuing Conflict? A Decade of Terrorism and Counter-terrorism. 2011. Web. 8 December 2011. Clinard, Marshall B. and Meier, Robert F. Sociology of Deviant Behavior. USA: Cencage Learning, 2008. Print. Coll, Bryan. Terror Returns to Northern Ireland. Time World. 2011. Web. 8 December 2011. Cusack, Jim. Expanding `Real IRA’ now the major threat. The Irish Times. 2001. Web. 8 December 2011. Dingley, James. Combating Terrorism in Northern Ireland. USA: Routledge, 2009. Print. European Police Office. TE-SAT 2011: EU Terrorism Situation and Trend Report. EUROPOL. 2011. Print. Global Security. Military: The Roots of Terrorism In Northern Ireland. 2011. Web. 8 December 2011. Mesquita, Ethan B. Conciliation, Counter-Terrorism, and Patterns of Terrorist Violence: A Comparative Study of Five Cases. Washington: 2003. Print. Murchu, Niall O. “Split Labor Markets and Ethnic Violence after World War I A Comparison of Belfast, Chicago, and Johannesburg.” Comparative Politics. 39.4 (2007): 379-400. Rubin, Barry M. and Rubin, Judith C. Chronologies of Modern Terrorism. New York: M.E. Sharpe Inc, 2008. Print. Read More