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Urban Segregation - Essay Example

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This paper 'Urban Segregation' presents a discussion on the various historical and socio-cultural factors that give rise to urban segregation in cities. The paper explores the conceptualization of segregation and discusses how it manifests in the context of the USA and more specifically in the context of Detroit city…
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Urban Segregation
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Introduction This paper presents a discussion on the various historical and socio-cultural factors that give rise to urban segregation in cities. Thepaper explores the conceptualization of segregation and discusses how it manifests in the context of the USA and more specifically in the context of Detroit city. Then it moves on to explore the numerous reasons that make segregation a continued reality in urban areas, in spite of the massive political and governmental thrust toward integration. It puts forth the argument that factors like racial stereotyping, urban real estate practices, and the industrial culture of Detroit act in a complex manner to perpetuate the continued segregation of the city. Geographical/Residential Segregation – Concepts and Definitions According to Massey and Denton (1998) Geographical segregation can be described as spatial concentration of particular groups of population in separate areas. In simple terms, segregation means that certain groups of population get limited to different pockets of geographical areas. It can also be said that segregation is the level or extent to which particular groups reside separately from one another within the confines of a particular geographic area such as a city or state (Low, 2004). Segregation, in itself, is a complex phenomenon, where the groups are segregated in a number of ways. So, the spatial restriction of populations is based on a number of variables such as culture, income, ethnic origin, immigrant status or sexual orientation (Massey and Denton, 1998; Jackson, 1985). For example, people from a minority community are often overrepresented in some particular areas and underrepresented in some others (Yinger, 2001). In addition, a community may geographically restrict itself in way that its exposure to the other groups is minimized (Yinger, 2001). Johnston and Poulson add to Yingers theory by postulating that there are particular reasons because of which segregation takes place. These may range from legal restrictions as in the case of South Africa where Apartheid was in practice; to the social or economic status as in the case of rich people residing in the suburbs and the relatively poor residing in the downtown areas. However, the most prominent cause of segregation is found to be ethnicity or cultural background. This type of segregation can result from the emigrants’ need to find security in numbers which makes people from the same cultural or ethnic backgrounds to cluster together and segregate themselves from the rest of the society. Voluntary segregation is therefore where immigrants prefer to live in a segregated set-up so that they could mutually benefit from one another (Johnston and Poulson, 2005). However, there are also numerous economic and social pressures that may segregate the minority communities from the mainstream White population. Even though the US government has taken numerous steps to eliminate segregation and promote integration, geographical segregation continues to exist and impacts the lives of people. The next section therefore discusses segregation in the US cities and then moves on to discuss the case of Detroit. Segregation in the US Cities While there are a number of statistical measures that can gauge segregation, Reardon and O Sullivan (2004) assert that the most accepted way of measuring segregation is the Index of Dissimilarity. This index calculates how particular groups are distributed across particular locations based on census data. It is often called the ‘index of inequality’ as it highlights the relative differences between communities with respect to their access to civic amenities (Reardon and O Sullivan, 2004). In addition, independent assessments of racial segregation and income segregation are also frequently conducted by scholars. Glaeser and Vigdor’s (2012) research in the USA indicated that among all the ethnic communities, Blacks are the most segregated followed by the Hispanics. Also, segregation was found to be most dominant in metropolitan cities such as Chicago, New York, Detroit, Washington D.C and Los Angeles (Glaeser and Vigdor, 2012). The evidence that segregation is most prominent in cities highlights a further interesting fact because these metropolitan cities are the ones where business, commerce and employment opportunities are high. Therefore, being segregated in these cities underlines the lack of economic opportunities for the segregated community. According to Glaeser and Vigdor (2012), the dissimilarity index for the black community has been reducing consistently each year - in 1980, it was 72.7, 1990 it was 67.8 and in 2000, it further reduced to 64.0 (Glaeser and Vigdor, 2012). On one hand, segregation due to race reduced over the years, but on the other hand, segregation due to income has increased from 0.29 to 0.43 (Glaeser and Vigdor, 2012; Iceland et al, 2002). When statistics related to both racial and income segregation is combined, it is revealed that more than half the people belonging to racial minority community were in lower income levels. This is the reason that they are found to reside in segregated communities and do not live in a neighborhood where the population consisted of a majority of rich white people. Therefore while it is a good indication that the dissimilarity index for the black community is coming down gradually, the integration efforts wont be effective until segregation due to income also comes down, especially since the low income segment consisted mostly of the black community. The United States has a long history of segregation because of laws and legislations which were enacted before the Civil Rights movement where races were kept apart in public places and educational institutions and where prohibition of interracial marriages was forbidden. To bring about integration, the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was implemented, according to which there should not be any discrimination in housing based on factors such as race, color, ethnic origin, religion and sexual orientation (Schwartz, 2008). However, according to Schwartz, redlining (providing services at increased costs based on race, gender or ethnic origin) and mortgage discrimination exists even now, almost 50 years after the Fair Housing Act was implemented. The strongest impact of segregation is seen on three avenues - education, health and crime (Schwartz, 2008). Living in a segregated set-up reduces the number of opportunities that the minority have in getting access to good education as the quality of education often depends on the geographic location because funding of many educational institutions happen through the income/revenue that are gained from property taxes (Simpson, 2007). Similar impact is also seen in the health care sector as low income communities often see minimal facilities and overcrowding. In addition, crime rates are also noticed to be highest in segregated regions because of poverty and lack of facilities (Schwartz, 2008). Therefore, it can be said that segregation leads to poverty, which in turn results in lack of good education and healthcare and also increases the crime rate. As this study is focused on the implications of segregation in the city of Detroit, it is essential to first look at the history of segregation in Detroit and to understand the segregation patterns in the city. Detroit – History of Segregation Detroit is one of the cities in the US that have seen residential segregation in a persistent manner over the years. The segregation in Detroit was primarily because of racial reasons and later, due to economic reasons (Darden and Kamel, 2000). During the late 1930s and early 1940s, there was a large increase in the population of Blacks in Detroit because of the Great Migration as the black population moved from Southern America. This increase in population was seen as a threat by the Whites in Detroit and it led to the beginning of racial clashes (Grant-Thomas, 2011). These clashes frequently turned violent such as the 1943 Race Riot where 25 black people were killed (Grant-Thomas, 2011). The region was already suffering from shortages because of World War II, but the Blacks felt the pressure more because of overcrowding. It is said that over 250 black families were attacked during the period from 1945-1965 by the whites for moving into areas where white families lived (Grant-Thomas, 2011). Not all of the White community resorted to violence, and hence, some of them chose to move to suburbs. Added to it were the restrictive agreements, which forbade different racial and ethnic communities to reside in particular areas. All this created a segregation pattern. One of the reasons because of which segregation is so deep-rooted in the city of Detroit is because of these historical factors and riots which left a deep impact on the psyche of the people. Post 1948, when these restrictive agreements were abolished, members of the Black community could move around or live in the city of Detroit without any restrictions (Jacoby, 2000). However, these ethnic minority groups continued to live in segregated groups due to a number of reasons. For instance, the White community preferred to stay in a separate area because they felt that they would get freedom from crime (Glasmeier and Farrigan, 2007). Similarly, the Black community could not integrate because they could not find affordable housing in primarily White dominated areas. This indicates that even after the laws were abolished living in segregated communities became an unwritten law. Due to years of segregated living, often marked with violence and intolerance, the integration of the Black and the White communities was not an easy task because of strong stereotypes, real estate practices and the prevalent industrial culture. According to Darren, (1995), the dissimilarity index between the White and the Black communities was high in Detroit in comparison to many other cities across the United States and Detroit stands out when it comes to geographical segregation. In 2000, the dissimilarity index in Detroit was at 86.7, which was the second highest in the country (Knox and Pinch, 2006). Therefore, on one hand while the national dissimilarity index for the black population across the country was around 64.0, Detroit continued to display strong segregation patterns. Segregation and Stereotypes in Detroit As mentioned earlier, years of living in segregated communities created certain stereotypes in the minds of the people which were not easy to break. According to the study conducted by Farley et al in 1994, the city of Detroit saw very strong stereotypes and carried out the discrimination at a higher intensity (Farley et al, 1994). Their study saw a number of responses which stated that there would be a higher rate of crimes, instances of violence and drug abuse if the black community moved into their areas of residence. Another stereotype that they commonly came across was that the black community was less intelligent and hence it would be a challenge to get along them (Farley et al, 1994). Hence, Farley et als study concluded that the racial challenges in the city of Detroit were far more intensified and overt. These stereotypes led to a higher level of discrimination and hence, the black population began to choose to live in segregated communities as that was more comfortable for them. Farleys study adds that the black families felt that they were uncomfortable living as the first black family in particular areas (Farley et al, 1994). Segregation also had a strong negative impact in terms of racial profiling, where the black community was subjected to a higher number of security checks and arbitrary stoppages (Knox and Pinch, 2006). Due to these strong stereotypes and racial profiling, the black community often felt scared to move out of their neighborhoods and did not feel comfortable in living in the same residential where the white community lived. A similar pattern was also seen when it came to applying for jobs as the black population felt uncomfortable in a work atmosphere dominated by the white community (Knox and Pinch, 2006). Hence, racial profiling has been one of the obstacles when it comes to residential integration. While the members of the white community did not encourage any integration with the black population because of stereotypes and subjected them to racial profiling, the members of the black community also chose not to get actively involved in integration because of the discrimination that they faced. This resulted in a wider gap, and hence, the index of dissimilarity did not get lowered in Detroit in comparison to the national average. The role of Real Estate Practices in Segregation Before the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was passed, the segregation of the black and the white communities had intensified in Detroit, with clear black and white neighborhood. Post the implementation of the act, Detroit did not witness a progress towards integration of the segregated communities. The below map shows the demographic segregation in Detroit – (Source: U.S Department of Justice and Civil Rights, 2000). The rate of segregation can be reduced only when both the communities involved begin to live in the same neighborhood and hence, real estate has a big role to play when it comes to integration. Krysan, (2008) described Detroit as the most segregated metropolitan area in the nation because of the real estate market which propagated segregation. Krysan adds that the members of the African American community find it difficult to own property in the areas where white population resides even though the total number of applications that they submit for apartments is double the number of applications submitted by the White community (Krysan, 2008). This indicates some level of interest from the black community to move in a community which is predominantly occupied by the white population. However, as their attempts were met with challenges, many of them gave up their attempts because they were sure that their presence would not be welcome. The real estate sector did not provide mortgages or loans to the black community as they felt that it was high risk. Similarly, the real estate brokers carried out their job through a steering process, where they would lead a white person to only a white community/neighborhood and blacks to the black neighborhood (Widick, 2006). This steering was very common in Detroit and it strengthened segregation. It is also interesting to note that the real-estate brokers also were segregation, where the white community would approach only the white real-estate agents and the black community would approach the black real-estate agents (Widick, 2006). As the real estate brokers belonging to the black community also felt discriminated, they also showed accommodation only in those areas which were dominated by a black population. However, Widick (2006) also puts forth an interesting point which can indicate at the beginnings of possible integration. During the early 70s, when some of the members of the black community who belonged to the middle-class finally moved into residential areas with a majority of white residents, they were treated with a cold approach. However, many considered this to be an improvement because the instances of vandalism or rioting did not occur (Widick, 2006). Darden (1987) adds that while there were no instances of rioting or vandalism, the moving in of the members of black community saw white community started moving away from the area (Darden, 1987; Darden, 1995). In addition, the demand for areas which had a racially mix population became low among white population. Even though there were attempts at integration with some black families moving into white neighborhoods, it was also characterized with more segregation, where the white community chose to move out from such neighborhoods. The Industrial culture, poverty and Segregation in Detroit Detroit, also known for its auto industry saw a change in the job locations after the second world. Earlier, most of the jobs were in the city center and only some were in suburban areas. However, the 70s and 80s saw a dramatic change in the job locations as more than half of the jobs shifted to the suburban regions. The change was driven by the industries and factories which were located in the suburbs. In what is known as the White Flight, it was noticed that the white population living within the city of Detroit during 1950-1990 underwent a decline from 1.5 million to 220,000 and they moved to the suburban areas (Ryan, 2005). A majority of the jobs which were still located in the downtown areas were characterized with low salaries and bad working conditions (Ryan, 2005). Due to this change, the black community that lived near the city centers was forced to take up these low playing jobs because they could not afford the transpiration charges to the outskirts of the city (Grengs, 2012). In fact, a major criticism against some of the factories was that they deliberately chose locations which were difficult for the black community to access and hence, they could be excluded (Grengs, 2012). Industry owners felt that the infrastructure needed for industries were available more in the suburbs. The reason for the change in job locations is debatable but it did indeed have a strong impact on deteriorating economical state of the black community and led to further segregation as the white neighborhood became unaffordable for them. As per the research done by John Powel and the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University, the areas where the African American population were ones which had low opportunities in compared to the other areas. This representation can be seen in their neighborhood opportunity map. (Source: by John Powel and the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University, 2008) Because of the segregation in Detroit where by most of the employees well-paying jobs were taken up by the white population, the black population was forced to live in extremely impoverished conditions. As the jobs were now in suburban area, the resources and means available to them were extremely limited. As per Farley et al (1994), it resulted in a wider disparity in the economic status between the white population and the black population. Of the total population, 36% of the black population had incomes which were below the line of poverty and in comparison only 8% of the white population had incomes below the poverty lines (Farley et al, 1994). Therefore, racial segregation became closely linked to economic segregation, making the entire concept of segregation more complex in Detroit. Changes in Residential Segregation The past decade has seen some noteworthy changes to segregation patterns. The change was initiated by the economic downturn, which particularly affected the auto industries based in Detroit. The high number of layoff in the auto sector resulted in a crisis related to foreclosure and it resulted in members of the white community selling off their houses located in the suburbs to people from the black community (Allen and Turner, 2012). However, the impact of this change is not yet clear but it is considered to be a sign of integration which may happen over the course of the year ahead. Moreover, there are no significant statistical researches or empirical studies related to this change. While residential segregation continues to be a challenge, there is a better integration seen when it comes to the working environment. It can be said that the residential segregation is like a vicious circle, where segregation leads to poverty which in turn leads to lack of education and increase in crimes and these factors intensify segregation. Conclusion Overall, it is clear that Detroit has a huge history of segregation and there is a long way to go for the metropolitan city to achieve a properly integrated population. While the phenomenon of segregation was visible all across the United States, the trends related to it were particularly strong in the city of Detroit because of strong stereotypes, large influx of the black population during the 1940s (which the white population considered to be a threat), real estate practices that strengthened segregation as well as the industrial culture seen in the city. Over the past couple of decades, while the community has been open to integration in terms of people belonging to different segregated communities working together at the same workplace, residential integration is still an ongoing process. The recent trends related to integration are positive and hence, are considered to be first steps towards the dream of an integrated community in the auto city. Citations Allen, J., Turner, E. 2012. Black–White and Hispanic–White Segregation in U.S. Counties. The Professional Geographer, 64(4), 503 Darden, J.T. 1987. Detroit: Race and Uneven Development. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Darden, J. T. and Kamel, S. M. 2000. Black Residential Segregation in the City and Suburbs of Detroit: Does Socioeconomic Status Matter?. Journal of Urban Affairs, 22, 1–13. Darden, J.T., 1995. Black Residential Segregation Since the 1948 Shelly V. Kraemer Decision. Journal of Black Studies, 25(6), 680-691. Farley, R., Steeh, C., Krysan, M., Jackson, T. & Reeves, K., 1994. Stereotypes and Segregation: Neighbourhoods in the Detroit Area. American Journal of Sociology, 100(3), 750-780. Glaeser, E., Vigdor, J. 2012. The End of the Segregated Century: Racial Separation in Americas Neighborhoods, 1890–2010. New York: Manhattan Institute Glasmeier, A., Farrigan, T. 2007. Landscapes of Inequality: Spatial Segregation, Economic Isolation, and Contingent Residential Locations, Economic Geography, 83, 3 Grant-Thomas, A. 2011. Segregation by Race, Segregation from Opportunity, and the Subversion of Multiracial Democracy in Detroit" in Ivery, C., & Bassett, J. eds. Americas Urban Crisis and the Advent of Color-Blind Politics: Education, Incarceration, Segregation, and the Future of the US Multiracial Democracy. MaryLand: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Grengs, J. 2010. Job accessibility and the modal mismatch in Detroit. Journal of Transport Geography, 18(1), 42-54. Iceland, J., Weinberg, D.H., and Steinmetz, E. 2002. Racial and Ethnic Residential Segregation in the United States: 1980-2000. Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau, Series CENSR-3, U.S. Government Printing Office. Jackson, K. 1985. Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press. Jacoby, T. 2000. Someone elses house: Americas unfinished struggle for integration. New York: Basic Books Johnston, R and Poulsen, M.F. 2005. On the measurement and meaning of segregation: a response to Simpson. Urban Studies, 42, 1221-1227. Knox, P. & Pinch, S. 2006. Urban Social Geography. An Introduction (5th ed.). Pearson Education Limited: England. Krysan, M., 2008. Does race matter in the search for housing? An exploratory study of search strategies, experiences, and locations. Social Science Research 37(2), 581-603. Low, S. 2004. Behind the Gates: Life, Security, and the Pursuit of Happiness in Fortress America. New York: Routedge. Massey, D. S.; Denton, N. A. 1988. The Dimensions of Residential Segregation. Social Forces 67(2), 281–315 Powel, J. & Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity. 2008. Neighborhood Opportunity Analysis. Ohio: Ohio State University Press. Ryan, B. 2005. Morphological Change through Residential Redevelopment: Detroit, 1951- 2000. Urban Planning and Policy, 5-22. Reardon, S and OSullivan, D. 2004. Measures of spatial segregation. Sociological Methodology, 34, 121-162 Schwartz, A.F. 2008. Housing Policy in the United States. New York: Routledge Simpson, L. 2007. Ghettos of the mind: the empirical behaviour of indices of segregation and diversity. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 170 (2), 405-424. Yinger, J. 2001. Housing Discrimination and Residential Segregation as Causes of Poverty, in Sheldon H. Danzinger and Robert H. Haveman, eds. Understanding Poverty. New York: Russell Sage Foundation U.S Department of Justice and Civil Rights. 2000. 2000 Demographics Detroit MSA, Michigan. justice.gov. [Online] Available at: Accessed March 25, 2013 Widick, J. 2006. Detroit: City of Race and Class Violence. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Read More
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