How Is the Feminine and the Masculine Defined in Asia - Essay Example

How is the feminine and the masculine defined in Asia? Author name Institution Date Introduction Feminine characteristics are those qualities which are possessed by women or are associated with women. The term femininity is used to refer to possession of such female character that defines the biological characteristics of women. Such qualities arise from both biological and social factors. A combination of these factors determines the behavioral traits that are possessed by women and girls like sensitivity, empathy and gentleness. While masculine are those qualities possessed by men. Defining feminine and masculine depends on such factors as location, culture and historical contexts since these characters keep on varying. Asian culture has gained popularity as a result of the homogenizing forces of global capitalism in the twentieth century. Asian people, cultural products and images are distributed everywhere making the Asian culture popular (Hofstede, 1998). Gender studies have currently gained popularity which in turn defines the role of genders in the society. This paper will focus o the case of China and Japan in understanding how femininity and masculinity are defined in Asia. Discussion The propositions of race and gender are two societal aspects that have become popular in the academic and political discourse today (Hofstede, 1998). There are numerous social and political movements that were born like post-World War II Civil rights campaigns. These came as a result of injustices perpetrated on the basis of gender and racial differences. In response, feminist movements have raised their voices to the public against any form of inequality that is based on gender. Feminism studies have raised public awareness on the treatment of women as equal beings to the other gender. Since 1980, there are numerous works that have been published to address the role of a woman in the Chinese society (Huang, 2006). Despite this intensive research in defining the role of women in the Chinese society, the issue of masculinity is not addressed leaving a gap in gender studies. As a result, the term gender has become popular when addressing the women affairs. From the early 1980s, the study of men masculinity has been growing at a high rate. However, though there has been a lot of literature about men and masculinity; there have not been universally accepted characteristics of defining men (Hofstede, 1998). Several cross-cultural studies on masculine have identified some attributes in men like discipline and self-direction which are common in many cultures making them appear universal. However, this observation does not make a conclusion that all men possess discipline and self-direction characteristics since cross-cultural variations in male images and codes still exist. As a result, there has not been a universally accepted definition of masculinity. Instead, different kinds of masculinity are identified like mythopoetic and profeminist (Hofstede, 1998). The Western culture provides many perspectives of masculinity; these perspectives should also consider the non western cultures like China (Huang, 2006). The Western culture portrays the Chinese men as possessed, feminized ad penetrated. This theoretical approach portrays the Chinese men to be very influenced by feminism. Images on the media and billboards along major streets in Beijing, Hong Kong and America fail to confirm with the macho stereotype of masculinity which is being circulated in the West (Louie, 2002). While complying with Orientalist tradition, the Western description of Chinese sexuality places its focus on Daoist bedroom techniques as well as exotica like aphrodisiacs and bound. Academic studies fully devoted to Chinese masculinity only started recently. Scholars like Susan Mann notes that poverty in the study of Chinese men is problematic since unity of the Chinese men has been very crucial to the success people in Chinese history (Huang, 2006). Majority of the published studies on Chinese men mainly focus on the non-mainstream issues in the society like homosexuality. In addition, books designed for the purpose of lay leadership seem to provide anecdotes of sexually dysfunction and unusual men. Many books that discuss Chinese masculinity focus on analyzing lived experience. Louie (2002) focus on the symbols and icons used to represent Chinese masculinity from a social context. According to Louie (2002) these objects are never stable when representing Chinese masculinity. Wen-wu is a key term that is always mentioned when discussing Chinese masculinity. Wen-wu is constructed biologically and culturally since it represents both the mental and physical composition of a real man. Louie (2002) disagrees with the early feminist’ theorists regarding division of sex and gender. The theorists considered the sex to be defining the biological aspects while gender was defined by the cultural aspect. This perspective seems to be reducing everything to be determined by culture. However, it is true that culture can play a role in determining the physical development of the biological body since modern technology can be used to change men’s body. Weight-lifting and body-building are two distinct examples that can cause biological change on men’s body. On the other hand, the use of drugs like Viagra is associated with physical changes which in turn affect one’s psychology and culture (Hofstede, 1998). Men’s notion arises from interaction with ideals, models and stereotypes of masculinity evolving in the society. Further, how men’s sexual pleasure is produced also help to determine a man. It is true that male sexuality can be determined by the social aspects but men’s body does not accept what culture instills on them. The male body transforms itself to respond to the environment and adopt changing patterns to respond to the cultural trends (Hofstede, 1998). The perception of Chinese manliness in the past is explained by mutual interactiveness and referencing. The masculine beauty changes over time and relates to the depreciating importance of physical activities. For instance, men who lived during the Tang period had thick beards, whiskers and liked to have long moustaches in addition to body strength. The civilian and the military of this time practiced similar activities like archery, sword fighting, boxing; competence in any of these arts was praised highly (Chan, 2008). It was thus clear that a handsome man was determined by his bodily strength. Such a man was described as being tall, wide shouldered, muscular arms and legs, and heavy chest (Chan, 2008). Conquerors monopolized the martial arts of the Manchu occupation; in response, the Chinese most of them from the literary class decided to participate actively in physical exercise and considered athletic prowess to be only suited for acrobats, professional boxers and Ch’ing barbarians. The Chinese women defined an ideal lover as a delicate being, with a narrow shoulder and pale face and the one who would have adequate time dreaming about his flowers and books. In addition to these attributes, an ideal lover was supposed to be a hyper-sensitive youngster who would not fall ill as a result of minor disappointment (Louie, 2002). Women’s position in the Chinese society has been discussed by many authors. The main issue discussed by most of the authors deals with the political power of women in the society. In the case of marriage, women are expected to respect their men as the head of the family. Failure by the woman to respect man may result to disagreements as a family cannot be headed by two leaders. Louise (2001) uses an example of Wang Xifeng, a young and powerful daughter-in-law to analyze how the power in marriage may result to the pollution of women. Wang Xifeng is portrayed as a powerful woman in her marriage due to her depiction of being masculine. Wang is disturbed by the perception of her society regarding sexual behaviors; she suffers mentally and emotionally due to her desire to become a man. The Jia clan which Wang belongs is perceived as declining as a result of Wang and another daughter-in-law Qin Keqing behaviors. Women who possess power like Wang are not necessarily regarded as being harshly or end up rejected by the society. Louise (2001) notes that women warriors are easily tamed using social and sexual norms in order to ensure that their complicity is reduced. However indirectly, motherhood is regarded as one of the main ways in which women power can be exercised. Women dominance in parenting is evident compared to the father’s role. This is because women spend most of the time with the baby thus making the love between the mother and the baby to develop at the earliest stage. Due to this interaction, women get to understand the baby better than men thus ensuring that they meet the needs of the young baby better than men. Louise (2001) uses the phrase’ yan fu ci mu’ to refer to ‘severe father and indulgent mother’. This form of parenting presents a balance in parenting that ensures that the mother has more control or power in the parenting process. Men of the Jia clan are presented as being passive and restraint when it comes to desire. They are portrayed as being totally not restrained in fulfillment of their desires on social customs. Failure to adhere to the rituals and rites are viewed as posing a danger to clan wealth and power continuity. In Japan, the salaryman is described by Ezra Vogel as the middle class in the society and it represents the white-collar works. This class of people is the one that Ezra Vogel refers to the merging lifestyle in Japan (Roberson & Suzuki, 2003). The salaryman in Japan is considered to have a social class of his own, financial security and a specified sex role. For the period between 1950 and 1960, the so called salaryman was a symbol of bright future. During that time, a young Japanese girl would only wish to marry the salary man. The salaryman was represented the lifestyle of people working in big organizations and in turn had an impact on the life of the other people in the society. Thirty years down the line, scholars like Kameda and Fujimura-Fanselow have a different image of a typical Japanese man as perceived by people in and out of Japan. The scholars described a typical Japanese man as one who a workaholic who spends most of his time working in big organizations like Sony or any other corporation, goes out to drink after work with workmates or customers, and plays golf with the same companions on weekends. Rarely, a typical Japanese man would have time for the children and the wife at home (Roberson & Suzuki, 2003). Writings made during the different times of the Japanese postwar economic expansion depict different images of the Japanese man to represent the various transformations that the salaryman has gone through over time (Mackintosh, 2010). While recognizing diversity and transformation that have gone through Japan, it is worth to note that the salaryman is a masculine stereotype. Thus, the salaryman is a self-image or model symbolizing men and masculinity in Japan above other discourses like sexuality, gender, nation and class. Those Japanese who are married and heterosexual are considered to be representatives of Japan since they are responsible. Collusion or violation cultural ideologies in Japan like gender, sexual division and the spirit of nationalism may be a potential risk to nationalism since it may lead to the downplaying or denying some people their rights (Hofstede, 1998). A homogeny society in Japan is considered to be the one which treats individuals equally irrespective of the gender, race and ethnicity. The homogeneity in this case does not only entail the masculine perspective but a heterosexual approach that analyzes the divisions, divergences and differences (Roberson & Suzuki, 2003). However, it is not always possible for homogeny to be complete or static (Calichman, 2005). There are other alternative solutions that may become hindrances to the expected transformation. The middle class white-collar salaryman who is heterosexual has the authority to make decisions for different ideologies of the nation, sexuality and class (Sugihara & Katsurada, 2005). There are three major institutions which are focused on when considering gender configuration; school, work place and the state. The state is empowered to create agencies and formulate policies that address gender issues in order to integrate all genders in running the affairs of a country. These agencies and policies have also affected the family life in Japan in which the man is most affected. In its culture, Japan has maintained its traditional gender roles. From the early days, men are trained to be tough and strong in order to control their wives and children. Women on the other hand had to be brought up as reserved and subservient beings that had to obey their husbands and their sons at old age (Calichman, 2005). Japanese still embraced the idea of gender division in determining the roles of different genders in handling duties. Men were supposed to provide their family while women handled household duties and caring for the young ones. Most available literature on masculinity and femininity in Japan are conducted in the United States. According to Sugihara & Katsurada (2005) the findings of these studies have been criticized for lack of consistency. The main reasons for the inconsistency in the findings are because cultural gender roles have been changing over time. Two major issues namely gender-related personality and gender role ideologies have been raised due to the existing discrepancy between the two issues. For this reasons, studies that were carried out more than 15 years ago may not be applicable in the Japanese culture today (Mackintosh, 2010). In conclusion, people have caused some cultural change by valuing their personality when handling gender roles over the cultural values. Both the male and the female gender in Asia toady feel that there is need to break from the cultural values that determine gender duties. References Calichman, R. (2005). Contemporary Japanese Thought. Columbia: Columbia University Press. Chan, N. (2008). Gender stereotypes: A sociolinguistic study of “The Amazing Race Asia Season Two”. LCOM Papers 2, pp 45 – 56. Hofstede, G. (1998). Masculinity and Femininity: The Taboo Dimension of National Cultures. New York: Sage. Huang, M. (2006). Negotiating Masculinities in Late Imperial China. Beijing :University of Hawaii Press. Louie, K. (2002). Theorising Chinese Masculinity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Louise, E. (2001). Men and Women in Qing China: Gender in "The Red Chamber Dream”. Leiden; Honolulu: E.J. Brill; University of Hawaii Press. Mackintosh, J. (2010). Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan. London: Routledge. Roberson, J. & Suzuki, N. (2003). Men and Masculinities in Contemporary Japan: Dislocating the Salaryman Doxa. London: Routledge Curzon. Sugihara, Y. & Katsurada,E (2005). Masculinity and Femininity in Japanese Culture: A Pilot Study. Sex role, 40 (7-8: 635-646. Read More