Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan - Essay Example

?Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan By The World Health Organization defines female genital mutilation (FGM), alsoknown as female circumcision or female genital cutting as “all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons” (Sharfi, Elmegboul & Abdella 2013, p.137). This practice is performed by specific communities in the world, and varies from community to community. This paper explores the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) in Sudan, and focuses on different aspects of the practice, including it being an infringement on the human rights of women in the region. Focus is also drawn on the different ways through which the government of Sudan, different international agencies, local non-governmental organizations, and civil groups are working to stop this oppressive practice. Communities that practice FGM perform it in varying ways. The World Health Organization has developed three major categories of FGM. There is Type 1, Type 2, and Type 3. Type 1 female circumcision is referred to as clitoridectomy. This mainly involves the removal of the tip of the prepuce, with or without excision of part or the entire clitoris. In Type 2, there is the removal of the clitoris together with part or all of the labia minora. Type 3 female circumcision is also called infibulation. This involves the removal of most or all of the female genitalia. In this type, there is also the stitching of the vaginal opening, where only a small opening is allowed for urine and menstrual flow (Islam & Uddin 2001, p. 72). Type 3 is considered the most severe form of FGM. In Sudan, there are different names that are used to refer to each of the three types of female circumcision. Type 1 is referred to as “Sunna.” This involves the removal of the tip of the prepuce. Type 2 is referred to as “Matwasat,” while Type 3 is called Pharaonic or infibulation. In Sudan, there is no association of female circumcision with a specific religious group. FGM is conducted by people of various religions, including Muslims, Christians, Jews, as well as people of African religions. However, the Sudanese of various religions hold varying perception of female circumcision. For instance, some of the Muslim Sudanese hold that female circumcision is supported by Islam. On the other hand, the Muslim theologians in Sudan believe that there is no provision for FGM in the Koran (Islam & Uddin 2001, p. 73). Nonetheless, Turshen (2000, p. 145) notes that FGM is linked to Islam, even though not all Muslim countries uphold it. With regard to the prevalence of female circumcision in Sudan, the findings of Sudan Demographic and Health Survey (SDHS) of 1989 -1990 show that 89% of the ever-married women have undergone some form of FGM. The Northern part of Sudan ranks high, with approximately 99% of the ever-married women having undergone circumcision (Landinfo 2008, p. 6). In 2001, Islam and Uddin conducted a study in Sudan to determine the prevalence of female circumcision in the region. Their study focused on Haj-Yousif and Shendi, which are in the North, as well as Juba, in the South. Nonetheless, in this paper, the focus is not on South Sudan. The study of Islam and Uddin (2001, p. 74) revealed that female circumcision is highly prevalent in Sudan. 100% of the respondents in Shendi, and 87% of respondents in Haj-Yousif had undergone circumcision. The most prevalent form of female circumcision was found to be the Pharaonic circumcision, which is the most severe form. In Sudan, the process of female circumcision is performed by lay practitioners. These have little or no knowledge on the female anatomy, or medicine. The conditions under which female circumcision takes place in Sudan are below the hygiene standards. Furthermore, no anaesthesia is performed on the females before circumcision, and there is no sterilizing of the instruments used to perform female circumcision (Landinfo 2008, p. 9). A major reason why female circumcision is harmful to women in Sudan is that this leads to both short-term and long-term detrimental consequences, which depend on the type of female circumcision that was procured, as well as the degree of severity of the circumcision. However, the most severe consequences are experienced when infibulation is performed. The immediate consequences of female circumcision include haemorrhage, shock, infection, difficulty in passing urine, damage to the genital organs, stress, and urine retention (Sharfi, Elmegboul & Abdella 2013, p. 137). On the other hand, the long-term consequences of female circumcision include urinary tract infection, obstetric complications, severe pelvic infection, menstrual complications, and sterility or decreased fertility (Sharfi, Elmegboul & Abdella 2013, p. 137-8). Apart from these, a woman that is circumcised might in future experience difficulties in having sexual intercourse, including pain during sexual intercourse. This is especially in the case of infibulation. The various consequences of female genital mutilation that have been pointed out are a clear indication that this practice does harm to the physical body of females that are affected. Apart from their physical bodies, this also affects their psychological being, especially in cases where the affected females develop stress and shock. All these aspects indicate that FGM is harmful and detrimental to the health of females. This practice can be considered to put the life of women at risk. For instance, it is possible for a woman to die due to excessive haemorrhage after being circumcised. Each individual human being has a right to life and health, thus, any practice that infringes on this right should be condemned. Therefore, this provides a basis for the opposition of female circumcision, including its abolishment in Sudan. Despite the detrimental effects of female circumcision on the health and life of females, this practice is highly revered in Sudan, among the people that promote and practice it. Regardless of the risks, the practitioners that procure this process highly value their culture and ethnicity, thus overlook the detrimental aspect of the process (UNFPA n.d, p. 3). In Sudan therefore, there are various communities, where only a few women remain uncircumcised. In these communities the detrimental effects of female circumcision are considered to be normal, and part of the life of any woman. In their study, Islam and Uddin (2001, p. 74) found out that the main reason for favouring female circumcision in Sudan was social custom. This elicits social pressure, which consequently leads to the promotion of female circumcision. Additionally, a major belief held about female circumcision is that it promotes premarital purity among women (Landinfo 2008, p. 7). For this reason, the uncircumcised women are considered impure and unmarriageable. Nonetheless, the strong influence from culture make women in Sudan to lack a choice, but adhere to the requirement to be circumcised and consider circumcision as a significant and normal practice. Islam and Uddin (2001) found out that there is a high likelihood for men, as compared to women, to support the discontinuation of FGM. In Shendi, 56% of the ever married women agreed that female circumcision should continue, while 67% of those in Haj-Yousif agreed to the continuation of FGM (p.75). Nonetheless, with such mentality deeply rooted among the people, including the women, who are the main victims, it becomes challenging for any efforts to abolish female circumcision to receive a positive reception among the people and communities, where female circumcision is practised. As seen, the women in Sudan have been cultured to accept that FGM is right, and should continue in future. There are various factors, which are responsible for this attitude toward female genital mutilation in Sudan. A major factor that influences the attitude toward FGM in Sudan is the level of education of a woman (Landinfo 2008, p. 10). Formal education, results in the enlightenment of an individual. This helps an individual to think and act rationally. For instance, an individual with adequate formal education will learn to defend themselves from anything that undermines their freedom and rights. This is inclusive of the oppressive cultures and traditions. In this regard, therefore, it is expected that an educated woman will shun female circumcision, regardless of the region she lives. This is because the formal education possessed will inform the woman that female circumcision is oppressive and violent to a woman, and also undermines their rights, freedom, and dignity. Another important factor that determines the attitude of women toward circumcision is their socioeconomic status (Islam and Uddin 2001, p. 75). This involves the financial capacity of the woman, as well as her social rank in society. A woman that holds a high socioeconomic status is an empowered woman. She can comfortably take care of her needs, as she is independent. In addition, she possesses knowledge, which she uses to solve various problems she faces. Therefore, to such a woman, female circumcision will appear detrimental and undesirable. She will therefore, not agree to engage in the practice. In Shendi, Sudan, Islam and Uddin (2001, p. 75) established that the support for continuation of female genital mutilation decreased with increasing level of education and socioeconomic status. In this regard, the women with high level of education were opposed to continuing FGM, while those with no education supported the continuation of female genital mutilation. This trend was found to be the same with socioeconomic status of a woman. For instance, they found out that 34% of women with secondary education and higher educational level supported continuation of FGM. This is as opposed to the 56% of women with primary education and 70% of women with no education, who supported the continuation of FGM (Islam and Uddin 2001, p. 75). A third factor that determines the attitude of women toward FGM is religion (Landinfo 2008, p.10). There are different religions in the world, which apart from culture, also shape the world views and beliefs of people. Religion consists of different laws, which the believers are expected to adhere to. These laws address various aspects of life and society, including the aspect of circumcision, even among women. In their study, Islam and Uddin (2001, p. 75) found out that in Haj-Yousif, approximately 73% of the Muslim women supported the continuation of female circumcision. On the other hand, only 8% of the Christian women supported the continuation of female circumcision. Similarly, findings from Shendi showed that 57% of Muslim women supported female circumcision, as opposed to the 18% of the Christian women. Shell-Duncan & Hernlund (2000, p. 152) in Sudan, it can be argued that the support for the continuation of female circumcision is highest among the Muslim women. The research on female genital mutilation in Sudan began some decades ago, thus is not a new phenomenon. Since the 1960’s doctors in Sudan have been involved in study and research activities on female genital mutilation (UNFPA n.d, p. 2). However, the efforts to abolish female circumcision and anti-FGM campaign began in the 1970’s. Some of the parties involved in the anti-FGM campaigns in Sudan included the Sudan Family Planning Association and the Sudan Society of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, who provided guidelines and recommendations on how to abolish female circumcision. In addition, various voluntary organizations have been developed in Sudan since the 1970’s, which promoted anti-FGM activities. Today, there are various organizations that are working together to eliminate female genital mutilation in Sudan. The efforts to abolish female circumcision in Sudan are long term. Today, there are considerable positive changes that have been experienced in Sudan with regard to FGM. However, these changes mainly involve the change from the severe form of female circumcision known as infibulation, to the less severe form of circumcision known as clitoridectomy. There have been no changes experienced in Sudan with regard to the eradication of FGM. This practice continues to be highly performed in different areas of Sudan. Due to the high prevalence of female genital mutilation in Sudan, the government of Sudan developed various strategies through which the practice can be eradicated. For instance, in Sudan, there is legislation against genital mutilation. According to Landinfo (2008, p.11), in the continent of Africa, Sudan was the first country to introduce a legislation against female genital mutilation. This was developed in 1946, and mainly involved the prohibition of infibulation through a supplement to the penal code (Shell-Duncan & Hernlund 2000, p. 152). This legislation allowed for less severe forms of female circumcision. In 1957, Sudan adopted the legislation fully, as a law on gaining their independence. Anyone accused of performing infibulation would be legible to a penalty of up to seven years imprisonment or be fined. However, in 1974, the maximum imprisonment was reduced to five years. In the present time however, Sudan has amended the past penal code against FGM, and this does not cover the practice. However, it is considered that the provisions on “physical injury” in the penal code might have a potential of covering FGM. In 2003 however, the authorities in Sudan decreed that health practitioners should not perform FGM, including infibulation and reinfubilation. On the contrast, such decrees might not be effective in Sudan, as there is lack of statutory prohibition, which hinders bringing such cases to court. However, there are various groups in Sudan, which are working and lobbying for statutory prohibition. According to Landinfo (2008), by the year 2008, the network lobbying for statutory prohibition in Sudan had submitted a legislative proposal to the authorities in Sudan. Consequently, the political process of submitting the legislative proposal to the Ministers and parliament had begun. Although there is lack of statutory prohibition of female genital mutilation in Sudan, there are different cases, which show that the authorities in Sudan are committed to enforcing legislation, with regard to the aspect of “physical injury” and how this relates to female genital mutilation. For instance, there are various reports showing that the authorities in Sudan have in the past arrested various medical practitioners for performing FGM on some women in Sudan. Nonetheless, despite this, it is significant that the authorities in Sudan consider implementing statutory prohibition in addressing this issue, as the courts might play a paramount role in the eradication of FGM. Although there are various efforts in Sudan to eradicate female genital mutilation, these efforts have faced vehement opposition and resistance in the country (Abbas 2013, Web). For instance, some part of the authorities subject the activists working to eradicate sexual violence and female genital mutilation to pressure. This kind of opposition and resistance by part of the authorities has made it challenging for new Non-Governmental organizations working towards the same case to register in the country (UNFPA n.d, p. 3). Apart from resistance from the authorities, the network working to combat female genital mutilation also face considerable opposition from the pro-FGM network. This network comprises various groups whose main interest is the promotion of FGM in Sudan. Furthermore, the pro-FGM groups are well funded, thus able to drive their campaigns in different parts of the country (UNFPA n.d, p. 3). Nonetheless, this level of opposition threatens the various efforts in combating female genital mutilation in Sudan. According to UNFPA (n.d, p. 2), among all countries practising female genital mutilation at the global level, Sudan ranks fifth. This country has a national rate of 65.5%. This is despite the massive campaigns and efforts to end the practice in the country. This issue remains a major concern as far as human rights and gender-based violence is concerned. This has necessitated the intervention of international organizations to attempt addressing this issue by adopting strategies that they think might be more effective as compared to those that were put in place earlier. For instance the UN agency UNFPA has for the past twenty years been highly involved in the campaign against FGM in Sudan. FGM is a violation of the fundamental human rights of women, and the practice has detrimental effects on the reproductive health of the women (UNICEF n.d, p. 10). The aim of UNFPA in Sudan is advocating for public attention and action to eradicate all forms of FGM. UNFPA has also gotten into a partnership with UNICEF, an international organization. In their programme, the main aim is to reduce FGM in Sudan by at least 40% by the year 2017 in 17 countries, Sudan included. This programme was launched in 2007, and had the purpose of promoting a human rights-based approach to encourage communities in Sudan to abandon FGM. Nonetheless, this programme has gained considerable success, as 670 communities across Sudan have declared publicly that they are opposed to FGM (UNFPA n.d, p. 4). Apart from working with international partners, UNFPA also collaborates with the local organizations, universities, and government ministries and ministers in Sudan. This involves working on advocacy and policy reforms in the country. A major achievement of involving local partners is that the UNFPA has managed to incorporate various elements of FGM in the National Action Plan on Violence against Women. Furthermore, this has resulted in the adoption of a 5-year National Strategic Plan 2012-2016. As part of advocacy, UNFPA aims at issuing and reviewing laws that prohibit FGM in Sudan. With regard to the field of education and how this can contribute to the eradication of FGM in Sudan, UNFPA has succeeded in incorporating FGM in the Community Development diploma curriculum of the University of Gedaref (UNFPA n.d, p. 4). The media is a significant body in any country, and can be used to influence people in different ways. The UNFPA thus, supports media campaigns in Sudan in order to make the public aware of FGM. UNFPA spearheaded the formation of a Journalists Committee in Sudan, in which the participants were trained on how to disseminate information and indulge in public dialogues that are cultural-sensitive on FGM in Sudan. Furthermore, it has been established that the aspect of religion plays a major role in the attitudes of women towards female genital mutilation. The UNFPA therefore, collaborates with religious leaders and religious networks in Sudan. This is in addition to scholars of Islam, whom the UNFPA collaborates with to help in making people in Sudan to delink FGM from Islam. Nonetheless, this has resulted in positive changes, as a considerable number of people in Sudan have promised to abandon FGM. Finally, the UNFPA also works with medical practitioners in Sudan in order for them to support the abolition of FGM. A major milestone has been achieved, as the Sudanese Medical Council has incorporated the prohibition of FGM as part of the code of ethics of doctors (UNFPA n.d, p. 4). It is clear that the government of Sudan has done little with regards to the prohibition of FGM. Most of the efforts to prohibit FGM in Sudan have been initiated by various non-governmental organizations in Sudan. The Sudanese government might be afraid of antagonizing the population, thus has not taken a firm stand in abolishing FGM in the country despite its detrimental effects. Therefore, since the government of any country can have major influence on its citizens, it is in order that the government of Sudan realizes the negative aspects of FGM, and how that undermines its female citizens, and thus take a firm stand on the issue. Basing on the various aspects presented in this essay, it is possible to develop major recommendations that can be adopted in Sudan in order to help in the process of eradicating FGM. First, it is essential that the socioeconomic status of women in Sudan be improved. This will result in changes in their attitudes towards FGM. When the status of women in society is improved, there is a likelihood that they will stop supporting the continuation of FGM in their country. If the government of Sudan is committed to the eradication of FGM in its country, it should develop women empowerment programmes, including education for women, as this will have a positive influence on the efforts to eradicate FGM in the country. Above all, there is a dire need for the dissemination of information across the country. Discussions should be held in the country, which focus on health and religious facts, in relation to female genital mutilation. The mass media should strengthen the anti-FGM campaigns, and popularize medical and religious facts that make FGM undesirable. Apart from mass media campaigns, aspects of FGM should be widely incorporated in the curricula of the country’s education system. In conclusion, female genital population mutilation is a long-term practice in Sudan, and remains prevalent even today. This is deeply rooted in the culture and tradition of the communities in Sudan. Although women have been cultured to adhere to the practice, it has many detrimental long-term and short-term consequences for the women. Being an infringement of fundamental human rights of women, FGM in Sudan remains a major concern, and should therefore be abolished. Strategies should therefore, be put in place to ensure that communities in Sudan abandon this practice. For this to succeed, there is need for concerted efforts by the government of Sudan, non-governmental organizations, international agencies, religious and community leaders, as well as the Sudanese people against the practice. Lack of cooperation from the government and some leaders has failed the efforts to eradicate the practice. Nonetheless, if this is achieved, and FGM is eradicated in Sudan, women will enjoy their freedoms and rights, as they will not be subjected to the pains that result from FGM. Works Cited Abbas, R 2013, “Female Genital Mutilation Campaign In Sudan Slammed For 'Not Getting Message Across,” Women eNews, Accessed 22 December 2013 < http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/08/19/female-genital-mutilation-sudan_n_3779524.html> Islam M. & Uddin, M 2001, “Female Circumcision in Sudan: Future Prospects and Strategies for Eradication,” International Family Planning Perspectives, 27(2):71-76. Landinfo 2008, “Report: Female genital mutilation in Sudan and Somalia,” Accessed 19 December, 2013 < http://www.refworld.org/pdfid/498085871c.pdf> Sharfi, A., Elmegboul, M. & Abdella, A 2013, “The continuing challenge of female genital mutilation in Sudan,” African Journal of Urology, 19:3(136-140), Accessed 21 December 2013 < http://ac.els-cdn.com/S111057041300060X/1-s2.0-S111057041300060X-main.pdf?_tid=1f61bf72-6b2f-11e3-bacf-00000aacb35d&acdnat=1387733768_bb60b9b8eb0a42e98091506aae27d372 > Shell-Duncan, D & Hernlund, Y 2000, “Female "circumcision" in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change,” Lynne Rienner Publishers, New York. Turshen, M 2000, “African Women's Health,” Africa World Press, New York. UNFPA n.d, “Ending Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Sudan,” n.d, Accessed 21 December 2013 < http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/filemanager/files/sudan/facts/fgm.pdf> UNICEF n.d, “Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A statistical overview and exploration of the dynamics of change,” n.d, Accessed 20 December 2013 < http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf> Read More