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Gender,Sexuality and Diversity - Essay Example

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The feminist movement led to major changes in the actions and perception about women. The movement also caused the empowerment of women, mostly in reference to civil and political rights…
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Gender,Sexuality and Diversity
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?Critically discuss the post-feminist argument that in Western societies, women are empowered to choose whether or not to engage in beauty practices Introduction The feminist movement led to major changes in the actions and perception about women. The movement also caused the empowerment of women, mostly in reference to civil and political rights. Within western communities, women have also been empowered to apply beauty practices, practices which are major manifestations of their independence and liberalization. These practices however have sometimes been criticized as undesirable manifestations of liberalization. This paper shall critically discuss the post-feminist argument that in Western societies, women are empowered to choose whether or not to engage in beauty practices. A discussion on the various manifestations of women empowerment will be included in this paper. Body Western societies are now seemingly perceived to be post-feminist, which may mean that structural elements negatively affecting women have already been managed and that any lingering differences between men and women are being attributed to the manifestations of individual choices (Jeffreys, 2005). Writers acknowledge that choice has become the battle cry of the post-feminist era; under these conditions, as long as the actions of women are based on their own choices, there is no need for further assessment of their actions and choices (Braun, 2009). Beauty practices are very much related to such post-feminist ideas and arguments. Even if the use of beauty products have been subjected to feminist critique, practices like putting on lipstick or shaving one’s legs do not any more represent issues for feminists (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Third-wave feminists express that women’s power to choose the engagement in these beauty practices is a welcome element of feminism (Baumgardner and Richards, 2000). However, even with much support attributed to various choices, and even with the entry of women into areas in society where they were not previously included, women’s bodies are still made part of high surveillance and discipline (Jeffreys, 2005). The chances given to women to increase their achievements which were not available to them before has not been coordinated with the power to do away with the oppressive elements and practices of femininity. Scholars argue that the discarding of traditional female roles in the workplace has been matched with a greater focus on feminine bodies (Gill, 2007). Gill (2007) points out that femininity for the current western culture has followed the suggested trajectory laid out by Bartky (1990), Bordo (1993), and Wolf (1990) where social applications relating to femininity are not anymore directed towards the manifestation of traditional gender roles, but are leaning more towards practices which strongly highlight the management and beautification of women’s bodies. Postfeminist marks of liberation via empowerment and choices are placed within the context of harsh beauty requirements and images which Western women are compared to and judged against (Gill, 2006). In effect, with all the apparent choices, the contemporary western culture puts a very harsh and intense evaluation of women’s bodies. Contextualizing femininity within the post-feminist conditions is a major focus of contemporary feminist work (Evans, et.al., 2010). Feminine beauty practices were a clear focus for the second-wave feminism with a more critical assessment made on the means by which such practices have impacted on the reification of the disparities between men and women, as well as the objectification of women (Bartky, 1990). By the end of the 1980s, as feminism secured more success in the liberation of women, the negative reaction against the second wave feminism caused new restrictions on women’s liberties (Jeffreys, 2005). The conditional message has been suggested relating to women gaining a more liberated status, for as long as such status is not made at the cost of their femininity. Such message is seen in women’s magazines where articles on liberation are placed alongside articles discussing women’s beauty products (Gill, 2006). The seeming lack of conflict in these messages about women’s liberation and their femininity seeks to promote various preferred choices for women which in general to shackle women to specific and limiting aspects of beauty. Actions as liberated women are based first on being beautiful, and later, on being liberated and on being free to make one’s choices (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Participating in beauty practices is socially relevant. What is referred to as beauty premium indicates the well-supported finding that women who support the current cultural elements for beauty receive better social and economic status as compared to those who do not engage in beauty practices (Langlois, et.al., 2000). Studies indicate an interpersonal element to beauty; that all things within a similar plane, ‘beautiful’ individuals are those who are smarter, who are more trustworthy, and who are more desirable than less conventionally beautiful individuals (Langlois, et.al., 2000). The cultural label associated with beauty expresses a strong reason for women to consider beauty practices, which therefore must not be considered as an unthinking submission to imposed standards. Regardless of the practices, they are actually tools which women can use to secure their position in the social order (Mills, 1997). In the discussion by Ghodsee (2007), the author pointed out that in post-socialist urban Bulgaria, being feminine and seeking beauty ideals were considered important practices for women seeking success in the corporate world. Attractiveness was also considered by teenagers as a major element in their friendships and social relations in high school (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). However, it is crucial not to discount the instances where engagement in beauty products presented effects which exceeded the specific benefits enjoyed by women and girls, especially in relation to supporting the patriarchal standards which normalise these habits for all women (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Beauty practices are also exactly carried out by women in order to follow imposed standards of beauty; these practices may also represent significant personal benefits. This is seen in the so-called ‘girlie culture’ under the third wave of feminism where women usually paint their nails and use dresses in order to manifest behaviour which has traditionally been labelled as frivolous (Baumgardner and Richards, 2000). Justifications relating to personal gratification have been forwarded in order to highlight beauty practices as inappropriate practices. Such justifications have also recognized the fact that pleasures which can be gained do not preclude the critical assessment of these practices (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Various scholars have assessed the pleasure discourse for highlighting the invisible and concealing the extent to which support or non-support of beauty standards has significant social effects on women (Bartky, 1990). The choice and modern assessment of beauty practices within the postfeminist era must be evaluated based on the shifts in the idealization of the feminine subject. For some scholars, the Western culture has been identified through the loss of the attachment to romantic ideals of a deep and ideal self (Gergen, 1991). In its place, the post-modern self is identified by multiplicity where various versions of the self are managed based on the changing goals and standards which one is faced with (Gergen, 1991). Still, with the focus attributed to the different standards, modern western culture has persistently directed its moral standards to the reevaluation of the true self (Rose, 1996). The combination of these traditions and practice has led to the hybrid neoliberal subject which has considered the ever-changing post-modern subject and the individualised liberal variable (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). The main quality of the neoliberal subject is its focus on the autonomy which makes individuals generally accountable for their actions while shunning any recognition of social limitations on the individual. The neoliberal subject is called to reject any indication that one’s actions are prompted by bigger social institutions including the media (Davis, et.al., 2006). As pointed out by Taylor (2010), within this ideological concept, women are called to secure self-identifying projects which often highlight the autonomy which can be gained while applying choices (Baker, 2010). The idea of free choices in the midst of numerous choices is a primary element of the neoliberal idealization of subjects (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Based on this perspective, women within postmodern societies are merely playfully manifesting themselves by freely selecting their degree of participation in socially supported beauty practices. The modern liberalist concept which suggests that all preferences are good as long as they are freely chosen discounts the cultural elements where the choices are made (Gill, 2007). However as manifested by Braun (2009), choice provides a bottom-line contention which seeks to assess the difficulties in relation to women’s choices. The problem in simultaneously supporting the possibility of an individual choice while also fully supporting the ways by which the choices are limited poses an issue for feminist theories. Therefore, Gill (2007) is highlighting the need for scholars to tell feminist scholars to complicate the conceptualization of choice. A major challenge is to assess the complex relations with culture and subjectivity in ways which would cause women to not be passive subjects, freely considering individuals of liberal humanism (Gill, 2008). The concept of empowerment and free choice has to be assessed in terms of the unknown impact of ideology which seeks to manage opinions and to control the readiness of others. Most of the recent studies on choice refer to the sexualisation of femininity (Gill, 2008). Feminine beauty products cover various applications of body maintenance which women participate in, including skin care, clothing, and hair/removal (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). The reasons for these practices are varied. Some assessments are based on the argument that beauty practices are a form of competition among women; in other words, it is something pleasurable to them, or maybe something which can build their confidence. Women often compete with other women only. Even as feminists declare that beauty practices are main elements essential in femininity, some women do not necessarily identify femininity as a main reason in participating in beauty practices. Instead, femininity is also imagined in relation to social acceptance among other women (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Women are therefore sometimes considered as judgmental, backstabbers, and insecure; in other words, adherence to beauty standards is seen as a means of avoiding unfavourable judgment (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Under these conditions, women seem to dress for other women as a tool of competition. For women not adhering to beauty standards, they would likely be judged and labelled as unattractive. Women who are known to judge other women were considered insecure and competitive (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Within the male context, however, men were less likely to compete with each other and they were often unconcerned about women looking like models or celebrities. Based on feminist concepts, beauty practices have also been evaluated as a means of gaining pleasure, practices which have to be carried out because the women actually want to do it, not because they have to it (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). Under these conditions, wearing makeup is deemed to be rewarding, offering much enjoyment. There are no compulsory elements to the use of these beauty products. Such concept depicts lightness and not much concern is made on the importance of beauty practices (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). However, a limited enjoyment of pleasure-enhancing activities does not consider the significant impact of social institutions in managing the limiting gender conditions (Bartky, 1990). Moreover, for some of these women, women’s ability to take pleasure in these activities is not always based on the need to possess something as a means of defining their being. This would mean that women must not feel obliged to apply beauty products, however, they must be allowed to consider something because it is ‘nice’ (Baker, 2010). However, similar kinds of defence were seen when these applications were considered to be less optional, and the idea that women were that trivial was rejected. Arguments have also been made indicating that women must not be made to feel guilty for buying beauty products (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). On the other hand, feminists are having the opposite effect, making women feel guilty for buying beauty products. Some women express that things are what they are and if they want to feel nice, putting on makeup helped accomplish that (Stuart and Donaghue, 2012). A little makeup here highlights the limited lengths women go through to actually feel normal. Bordo (1993) points out that considering women as advocates of the sexist culture is sometimes tantamount to labelling women as enemies. The support for beauty practices as explained above indicates an unfavourable response to feminist critique. These arguments make women feel that they are being labelled in a system which makes expectations for them and then criticizes them for living up to these expectations (Stuart and Donahue, 2012). In effect, some women may not necessarily object to the use of beauty practices, but they mostly respond against the fact that they are criticized for purchasing or using these beauty products. Such criticism is self-contradictory and in the end, promotes unfair and unfounded bias against women and their choices. Conclusion The use of beauty products has been considered a controversy within the post-feminist era in Western societies. To some extent, there is logic attributed to the contention that beauty products are being used by women in order to live up to societal expectations of beauty. Under these conditions, women are bound and enslaved by these expectations within the post-feminist era. This seems to negate the struggles and elements of feminism. However, it is also important to note that feminism has long been about the struggle to express and make decisions based on one’s personal choices and opportunities. The use of beauty products within the post-feminist era does not necessarily negate the principles behind feminism. In fact, the use of beauty products supports the ideals of feminism, allowing women the choice to purchase and use these products. It is an option which some women richly engage in, however, some women choose to use these products where and when they find its application beneficial to them and to their goals. Undeniably, women are often criticized for using or not using these products. However, the consideration made here is one of free choice, not of female vanity and frivolous proclivities. References Baker, J., 2010. Claiming volition and evading victimhood: Post-feminist obligations for young women. Feminism & Psychology 20, pp. 186-204. Bartky, S., 1990. Femininity and domination. Studies in the phenomenology of oppression. New York: Routledge. Baumgardner, J. and Richards, A., 2000. Manifesta: Young women, feminism and the future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Bordo, S., 1993. Unbearable weight: feminism, western culture and the body. USA: University of California Press. Braun, V., 2009. The women are doing it for themselves: The rhetoric of choice and agency around female genital ‘cosmetic surgery’. Australian Feminist Studies, 24(60), pp. 233-249. Davis, K., 1995. Reshaping the female body: The Dilemma of cosmetic surgery. New York: Routledge. Evans, A,, Riley, S., and Shankar, A., 2010. Technologies of sexiness: Theorizing women’s engagement in the sexualisation of culture. Feminism & Psychology, 20, pp. 114-132. Gergen, K., 1991. The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in contemporary life. USA: Basic Books. Ghodsee, K., 2007. Potions, lotions and lipstick: The gendered consumption of cosmetics and perfumery in socialist and post-socialist urban Bulgaria. Women’s Studies International Forum 30, pp. 26-39. Gill, R., 2006. Gender and the media. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Gill, R., 2007. Critical respect: The difficulties and dilemmas of agency and ‘choice’ for feminism: A reply to Duits and van Zoonen. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 14, pp. 69-80. Gill, R., 2008. Empowerment/sexism: Figuring female sexual agency in contemporary advertising. Feminism & Psychology,18 (35), pp. 36-60. Jeffreys, S., 2005. Beauty and misogyny: Harmful cultural practices in the West. London and New York: Routledge. Langlois, J., Kalakanis, L., Rubenstein, A., Larson, A., et.al., 2000. Maxims or myths of beauty? A meta-analytic and theoretical review. Psychological Bulletin, 126, pp. 390–423. Mills, S., 1997. Discourse. London, New York: Routledge. Rose, N., 1996. Inventing ourselves: Psychology, power, and personhood. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Stuart, A. and Donaghue, N., 2012. Choosing to conform: The discursive complexities of choice in relation to feminine beauty practices. Feminism & Psychology, 22 (1). pp. 98-121 Taylor, S., 2010. Negotiating oppositions and uncertainties: Gendered conflicts in creative identity work. Feminism & Psychology Wolf, N., 1990. The beauty myth. London, UK: Vintage Read More
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