Evolution of the Sikh Religion - Essay Example

?A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CLAIM THAT SIKHISM HAS NO CASTE SYSTEM Introduction Guru Nanak (1469-1539) was the first Sikh Guru who founded Sikhism. Among the early followers of Guru Nanak, known as Nanak Panthis there was an internalized meditative focus on loving devotion to the divine, and the emphasis was on living a life of simplicity and purity. Till the time of the fourth Guru in the seventeenth century, the Sikhs did not feel the need to identify themselves as separate from Punjabi Muslims or Hindus. With the latter “they shared the same festivals, as well as the same philosophical beliefs such as karma and samsara” (Takhar 2005: 5). On the other hand, although Guru Nanak emphasized Bhakti or devotion, it was not that of popular Hinduism to a tangible manifestation of the divine, but it was towards a formless God. Similarly, Guru Nanak rejected Hindu beliefs and practices such as the superiority of Brahmins or the Hindu priestly community, and their performance of rituals. Thus, the Sikhs began identifying themselves as a separate and distinctive religious group. Further, the early Sikhs’ requirement for an identity increased with offspring born into the Sikh faith. The Sikh Gurus denounced the practice of Hindu rituals and the prejudice of the Hindu caste system. They readily accepted into their community, the Hindus of lower caste and the “untouchables”. Thesis Statement: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the claim that there is no caste system in Sikhism. The Valmiki, Ravidasi and other communities will be examined to determine the truth of the claim. Evolution of the Sikh Religion During the first two hundred years of the evolution of the Sikh religion beginning from the mid-fifteenth century, a line of Gurus or preceptors guided the community. The Mughal empire ruling India at the turn of the seventeenth century perceived the expanding base of the Sikh community as a threat. The consequent tensions between the local administration at Lahore and the Sikhs led to the execution of Guru Arjan (1563-1606), the fifth Sikh Guru. As a result, the Sikh center was moved to the Shivalik hills in the 1630s. The tenth in line, Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708), dissolved the position of the personal Guru, and vested the Gurus’ authority both in the Adi Granth or original book of Sikh scripture, as well as in the Panth or community (Mann 2001). An overall, uniform Sikh identity cannot be defined since the Panth has several types of Sikhs including: Punjabi Sikhs, Gora Sikhs, vegetarian/ non-vegetarian Sikhs, Mazhabi Sikhs, Khalsa Sikhs, Non-Khalsa Sikhs, Khalsa Sikhs living with Gurus, and Khalsa Sikhs with particular Sants. According to Takhar (2005: 188), “the essential core of Sikh identity must be Gurmukh oriented, the characteristics of which would be nam simran or continuously repeating the divine name, and truthful living. These would form the heart of the federal identity of the Panth as a whole, and would not emphasize the Khalsa representation. Thus, Valmikis and Ravidasis “would not fit into the federation due to their assertion of a non-Sikh identity” (Takhar 2005: 188). The Sikhs meditated on the Name (Nam) or the Truth (Sat) which denoted God’s total being. Through meditation, “the believer attained unity with God and all notions of duality disappeared as illusory” (Cole & Sambhi 1995: 7). As a result, all differentiation and distinctions based on caste or other concepts were condemned, and idol worship was opposed. Men and women of all social status were taught by Sants who wrote their devotional poems in the vernacular. Human Gurus were not acknowledged, since God as self-communicating was their Guru. Sikhs express concern at any attempts to associate Guru Nanak with the Sants, because they fear that it would threaten the claim that the message given by God to Guru Nanak was unique. The divine revelation to Guru Nanak was that there is no Hindu and no Muslim; and only the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God was of significance. This reinforced Guru Nanak’s conviction in the importance of man and his fate rather than any metaphysical doctrine which classified and segregated people according to a caste system. Consequently, lower caste Hindus and those considered as “untouchable” or euphemistically termed as Harijans or God’s people were allowed to become members of the Sikh community. However, with time, there was differentiation among Sikhs into different groups, including lower castes and sects. Caste Differentiation among the British Sikhs At the sub-identity level, caste forms a major divisive factor in Sikhism. However, the majority of Gurudwaras or Sikh places of worship in Britain belong to the Sikh mainstream, do not identify different castes, and are open for all Sikhs. Sikh mainstream is mainly related to Jats, because they constitute the majority of the Sikh community. In Britain there is an increasing diversity within the Sikh tradition. Although Ramgarhias and Bhatras are considered by other members of the Sikh community as low-caste groups, they share the common dominant Khalsa ideals of mainstream British Sikhs. The Ramgarhias’ social identity is founded on a caste heritage of Sikh history that emphasize their unique contribution to the Panth. Ramgarhia migrants are highly skilled and occupationally upwardly mobile. They established their own Gurudwaras to define their identity, and to distance themselves from ‘Punjabi rustics’ (Singh & Tatla 2006). In the late 1960s, the Ramgarhias led the return to traditional Sikh code of turban and uncut hair, which fuelled a religious revival in the community, specifically in places including Southall, Birmingham, and Leeds. This has also been seen as an attempt towards upward mobility by a social lower caste through the promotion of religious virtue. Outwardly loyal to Sikhism, they however remain aloof from the larger British Sikh society, while at the same time preserving a form of conservative religious and social practice unlike mainstream British Sikhs. As a result of this adherence to Sikh tradition, the Ramgarhias are divided from mainstream Sikhs not on the basis of religious ideologies, but on the lines of caste/ social class. (Singh & Tatla 2006). Nesbitt (2005) adds that the most oppressed group are the Mazhabi Sikhs. Sikh urban caste Khatris and Aroras in Britain have discontinued setting up their own Gurudwara establishments. There are two reasons for this: they identify better with the dominant Khalsa ideology of Sikh identity; and they do not have sufficient numbers to warrant such undertakings. However, at the same time, mainstream Gurudwaras vary greatly, “they range from sant-managed institutions that often resemble franchised transnational offshore operations to locally run initiatives” (Singh & Tatla 2006: 77) which can be described as religious cooperatives. Significantly, a clear distinction of caste differentiates these institutions. Groups and Sects of Lower Caste Sikhs Despite their caste distinction, Ramgarhias and Bhatras share the common, dominant Khalsa religious ideologies of ‘mainstream’ Sikhs. However, there are certain sects and movements on the periphery of Sikhism who remain segregated from the dominant group. “Among those represented in Britain are Ravidasis, Valmikis, Namdharis, Nirankaris, and Radhasoamis” (Singh & Tatla 2006: 79). All five caste groups have established their centres in Britain and outside, asserting their distinct identity through their institutions, life styles and ritual practices. The Ravidasis The largest among these groups is the Ravidasis, who are sometimes considered as Sikhs, based on their religious practices. On the other hand, the Ravidasis’ identity is more unorthodox and reflect their increasing desire to remain away from conventional Sikhism, while at the same time being within the Sikh environment. In rural Punjab, the Ramgarhias had suffered both caste discrimination and religious marginalization, though most of the group had been influenced by Sikhism to some extent. The Indian National Congress in the 1920s fuelled a mobilization, which the leadership of the Ravidasis carried forward, towards establishing an alternative social vision for itself. With India’s independence in 1947, the movement gained momentum and was further reinforced with the Dalit movement and action facilitating government employment for former “untouchable” groups termed as Scheduled Castes. On the other hand, in Britain, the assertion of Ravidasis identity has emerged as the formation of separate Ravidasi Gurudwaras and centres, “the innovation of new practices and rituals, and a desire to be recognized as equals in a new society where egalitarianism is valued” (Singh & Tatla 2006: 80). Hence, it is evident that for the purpose of self-identification, the community has distanced itself to some extent from the Sikh faith, while at the same time it continues practising Gurudwara rituals and Punjabi identity. The Valmikis Another former “untouchable”, Scheduled Caste or Dalit group is that of the Valmikis, who form the next largest group after the Ravidasis, and its position is comparatively more ambiguous. This group has a smaller number of members, they include numerous Punjabi folk traditions which have elements of Sikhism and Hinduism. Valmiki religious identity has been forged as a resistance to higher caste Sikh and Hindu exclusionism. Therefore contemporary Valmiki practice incorporates both traditions while also including its own distinctive practices. The Valmiki temple in Coventry was found to be similar to the Gurudwara, “the dominant idiom was reinterpreted to create their own distinctive variations” (Singh & Tatla 2006: 80). Valmikis are present in the largest numbers in Birmingham, Bedford, Bradford, Southall, Coventry and several other places in Britain, where mainly Sikhs reside. Nesbitt (2005) conducted a research study on children and young people from two religious movements within Britain’s Punjabi community. The study aimed to investigate the place of religious culture in their lives. It formed a part of a series of research on the transmission of religious culture in the home and community life of children from several communities forming the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit in the Institute of Education, at the University of Warwick. The children who were participated in the study were either from the Ravidasi or the Valmiki community; however some of them reported being a Hindu, while others identified themselves as Sikh. These two structurally distinct Punjabi groups were very low in the traditional hierarchy of castes. In several of the cases in Coventry, particularly from among the Valmikis, one parent was from a family which followed Hindu custom, and the other from a family belonging to the Sikh community. Many of the parents living in Coventry have their origins in the village of Litran, where the Mazhabi Sikhs or people of the lowest caste predominate in strength. Children in the study sample witnessed both Sikh and Hindu styles of devotion at home (Nesbitt 2005). A shifting pattern of religious alliance has been found among the lowest castes. In earlier centuries, “many socially oppressed people had identified themselves as Sikh or Muslim” (Nesbitt 2005: 6). They readily underwent conversion to Christianity for the benefits that were offered by the Arya Samaj; while some converted to Buddhism following Dr. Ambedkar the leader of scheduled caste people. Among the range of names used by these two castes were terms like “Addharmi” or “without religion”, which was regarded first as a religion, and later became known as a caste. “The occupations of the lowest castes were essential for the corporate welfare of the village community” (Nesbitt 2005: 6). However, they were perceived as polluting by members of the higher castes. Thus, it is evident that both the Valmikis and the Ravidasis have a history of social oppression as untouchable castes. They are still identified by higher caste Punjabis by the menial occupations they once held. They had to live away from the higher caste people in isolated locations, and were excluded from the temples of the higher castes. Reformist movements such as Sikhism, and the Arya Samaj of the late nineteenth century denounced casteism. The practice of untouchability slowly lost ground, and by 1950 it was deemed illegal in India. Various measures have been implemented to entitle and support through positive discrimination, scheduled caste people for education and government employment. Despite the reform movements, social stigma continues to persist in India and in other parts of the world. For instance, higher caste Sikhs in Coventry reported that Valmikis or Ravidasis were not permitted to borrow utensils from the Gurudwara or Sikh place of worship, or to distribute the karha prashad, a sweet preparation made of clarified butter, sugar, wheat flour and water, which is distributed to devotees at the conclusion of Sikh worship (Nesbitt 2005). The lower castes were also considered as less literate as compared to other communities, besides being ritually impure. The lower caste communities had adopted the more prestigious titles of Valmiki and Ravidasi during their struggle in India, during the 20th century. Valmiki associates their caste with the eminent sage Valmik, the composer of the great epic Ramayana. Similarly, the title Ravidasis relates the people with Ravidas, the fifteenth century leather worker, whose devotional hymns and compositions were incorporated in the Guru Granth Sahib or holy book of Sikh Scriptures, which is revered as Guru or great teacher by the Sikhs. Ravidasis hold Ravidas in esteem as their Guru, and also as the Guru of Guru Nanak the earliest of the Sikh religious leaders. For the Sikhs of other communities, Guru Nanak was the first Guru, and Ravidas was not a Guru but was considered to be a mystical poet. For both Valmikis and Ravidasis in Coventry “caste membership and corporate sectarian allegiance appear to be coterminous” (Nesbitt 2005: 6). In Coventry, all the devotees who attend the Jagat Guru Valmiki Maharaj Temple in Coventry with its unique focus and methods of worship, are with few exceptions, Valmikis. Marriages are conducted only within the community, in most instances. Whether infrequently or often, all Valmikis attend the temple. The same practices are followed by the Ravidasis and by their place of worship. Other Groups of Lower Caste Sikhs As opposed to Ravidasis and Valmikis who are caste-based sects, the Namdharis, Nirankaris, and Radhasoamis are distinguished for their devotion to the ‘living Guru’ which conflicts with the basic tenets of Sikh orthodoxy. The Namdharis’ revolt against colonial rule in a historical perspective, and their intense religiosity have helped them to develop a comparatively benign image within the Panth or Sikh community. Singh and Tatla (2006) state that they run seven Gurudwaras, a library and a resource centre, for the purpose of building a worthy historical lineage. In Sikh society the benign image of the Namdharis is generally not related to the other two sects: the Nirankaris and Radhasoamis. Until 1978 Nirankaris had been ignored by radical Sikhdom; however a confrontation between Nirankaris and orthodox Sikhs in Amritsar resulted in thirteen deaths. Two years later, the Nirankari chief Gurbachan Singh was murdered by Ranjit Singh who was later appointed as the Jathedar of the Akal Takht. According to Singh and Tatla (2006), these occurrences symbolically fuelled the turmoil which spread through Punjab in the 1980s and the 1990s, leading to clashes in Britain between militant Sikhs and Nirankaris. The Radhasoami sect appeals to Sikhs of all castes. “The movement emerged in the early twentieth century, but now thrives in Punjab by promoting orthopraxy and the veneration of a living Guru” (Singh & Tatla 2006: 81). In contemporary Punjab, the Radhasoami sect is growing at the fastest rate, with an extensive social network system that has all the characteristics of a complete and far-reaching social welfare system. Some opponents of the Radhasoami group have criticised the movement’s extensive reach, by stating that it emulates the worst methods of modern franchising. In Britain, the Radhasoamis are similar to the Nirankaris in keeping a low public profile, but have a wide network providing support and collaboration. Conclusion This paper has investigated the claim that there is no caste system in Sikhism. It was found that Sikhism, though initially free from caste hierarchy or religion based rituals, slowly became divided into caste-based hierarchical groups. Sikhism was founded in the mid-fifteenth century to form a martial race of people, to counter the atrocities by Mughals who had invaded India. Also, the Sikh Gurus taught a way of life where chanting the name of God was stressed upon, and there was no attempt in the early years of Sikhism to identify their community as separate even from Hindus, with whom they shared many philosophies. However, with the caste system in Sikhism, came into being the lower castes such as the Ravidasis and Valmikis, whose lives of oppression and discrimination have been examined. Various other subcastes and their affiliations have also been discussed. Thus, it is concluded that caste system is indeed prevalent in Sikhism; however reforms have improved the lives of the lower castes to some extent. Bibliography Cole, W.O. & Sambhi, P.S. (1995). The Sikhs: Their religious beliefs and practices. Great Britain: Sussex Academic Press. Mann, G.S. (2001). The making of Sikh Scripture. New York: Oxford University Press. Nesbitt, E. (2005). “My Dad’s Hindu, my Mum’s side are Sikhs”: Issues on Religious Identity. Comprehensive Adult Student Assessment Systems. Retrieved on 5th May, 2011 from: http://casas.org.uk/papers/pdfpapers/identity.pdf Singh, G. & Tatla, D.S. (2006). Sikhs in Britain: The making of a community. London: Zed Books. Takhar, O.K. (2005). Sikh identity: An exploration of groups among Sikhs. The United States of America: Ashgate Publishing. Read More