Sikhs in the U.S.: From Discrimination to Struggles for Equality and Acceptance - Literature review Example

March 6, Sikhs in the U.S From Discrimination to Struggles for Equality and Acceptance When Guru Nanak (1469-1539) founded Sikhism at around 1500 CE in the Punjab area of South Asia, which now belongs to India and Pakistan, the primary religions then (and up to now) were Hinduism and Islam. Guru Nanak taught the unity of God through the twin principles of justice and grace with Punjabi as the language of text of Guru Granth, or the book form of the Guru’s teachings (Mann “Making Home” 293). Sikhism is a mobile religion because a small group of Sikhs can start a congregation anywhere where the Guru Granth is present (Mann “Making Home” 294). As it spread around the world, Sikhism in the Punjab met the same historic struggles as other minority groups, fighting for both religious tolerance and freedom from discrimination. Similar struggles continue in varying forms and degrees for Sikhs in the United States, since they started migrating to America during the 1900s (Mann “Making Home” 293). The Sikhs face problems that are both specific to their community, and that are also shared by other ethnic communities making their way in a new nation. The paper describes Sikh history in the U.S. where they continue to tackle religious and cultural challenges and resolve discrimination and cultural identity issues through balancing American integration with the preservation of the core ideals of Sikh identity. The first segment of Sikh immigrants in the U.S. consisted more of descendants of small land-owning immigrants from Punjab, while the second and third Sikh immigration waves consisted of college-educated professionals (Mann “Sikhism” 285). In the early 19th century, the diaspora of Indians came from Southeast Asia and the Pacific to meet the demand for indentured servants for American plantations, also called the “brawn drain” (Khadria 106). These immigrants were predominantly male and came from rural Punjab. They became farmers and farm workers in the U.S. and rapidly established themselves in the community through working hard and saving money to buy or lease their own lands through circumnavigating land ownership laws and to develop their communities (Mann “Making Home” 294). A 1920 report showed that eighty-five thousand acres in Sacramento and San Joaquin areas and thirty thousand acres in the Imperial Valley belonged to Sikhs (Mann “Making Home” 294). The Sikhs skillfully surmounted the wide range of discrimination against minorities during this time through working hard and building financial and social capital for their families and communities, and more of them continued to immigrate to the U.S. until the 1920s (Mann “Making Home” 294). In 1924, the U.S. government banned Asian immigration, which resulted to decrease in the population of migrant Sikhs (Mann “Making Home” 294). The next two waves of Sikh immigrants consisted of India’s highly skilled professionals, such as doctors, engineers, scientists, and teachers, also termed as the “brain drain” (Khadria 106; Thandi 306). It started in 1946 with the Luce-Celler Act that legalized Indian immigration and naturalization (Mann “Making Home” 294). The Sikhs increased from 1,500 in the mid-1940s to 6,000 twenty years after the Luce-Celler Act (Mann “Making Home” 294). In India, however, they resented the brain drain of their country, but later on, some saw them as “global citizens” that fit the new image of Indian immigrants (Khadria 106). The relationship between the Punjab in India and Sikh Americans continued to be part of the political concerns of the latter. In 1999, around 165,000 of Indian-born residents lived in the U.S. who had science, engineering, and social science (SES) degrees (Khadria 107). These professionals preferred to live at the West Coast, where earlier Sikh communities were established and were gurdwaras (Sikh temples) were constructed (Mann “Sikhism” 285). These generations worked closely with Sikh leaders in the middle of the twentieth century to promote Sikh ideals, especially for their Sikh communities (Mann “Making Home” 295). These professionals, furthermore, adapted to American life by quickly reorienting themselves to workplace demands and being ready to relocate in areas where their labors were needed (Mann “Making Home” 295). The most significant Sikh immigrants came to the U.S. after 1965 because they were mostly professionals, and many of them went to the U.S. because of political persecution (Mann “Making Home” 295). They were categorized into two groups: the first group from east Africa who left because of political turmoil in Kenya and Uganda, and from Afghanistan because of the war in 1970s; and the second group from Punjab because of India’s use of force against Sikhs that led to the flight of young rural Sikhs to Western nations (Mann “Making Home” 295). These men soon brought their wives and children with them after settling in the U.S. during the 1990s (Mann “Making Home” 295). These groups had significant business experiences that allowed them to flourish quickly in big urban areas, such as New York City (Mann “Making Home” 295). It helped that Sikhs, unlike other immigrants, did not plan to save money that they would send to their home countries. Instead, they aimed to live in the U.S. and partake in its nation-building (Mann “Making Home” 295). Some Sikhs even joined the U.S. Army because they are honoring their tradition of fighting for their country (Mann “Making Home” 295). From these actions, Sikhs showed that one of the reasons that they adapted to the U.S. well, despite some challenges, is because they wanted to live as Sikh Americans. They did not want to preserve their Sikh identity alone, but to merge American and Sikh identities into one. The nature of the religion of Sikhism promotes the sanctity of the human body and the liberation of society from all forms of oppression that the Sikhs brought to the U.S. Sikh immigrants saw their migration to the U.S. positively because it meant that they can spread their beliefs to the farthest areas of the world and that they have the opportunity of strengthening Sikh history by merging it with the histories of other nations (Mann “Making Home” 295). When Yogi Bhajan came to America in 1968, the U.S. was undergoing social and political changes because of the Civil Rights Movement. He saw the American youth, who questioned the government and human consciousness, as ready for enlightenment but lacking in spiritual direction (Shanti 330). When he preached to his audience on January 5, 1969 in Los Angeles, he offered a message of faith and hope. He reminded them that knowledge becomes “real wisdom” only when it is experienced through their heart and “being” and that, as human beings, they have a right to be “healthy,” “happy,” and “holy” (Shanti 330). He taught the science of Kundalini Yoga to bring direction and awareness to people, which combined exercise and a healthy lifestyle to nourish the body because nourishing the soul relies on a clean body (Shanti 330). Those who wanted to practice Kundalini Yoga did not want to be Sikhs yet, but upon the cleansing of their bodies, many yearned for spiritual fulfillment too, which they received from Sikhism (Shanti 331). Yogi Bhajan also fought for women’s equality rights. In the U.S., he became concerned of women being treated as sex symbols. He taught the importance of women’s virtues in a successful world because a fallen woman means that a whole generation has fallen from grace too (Shanti 336). He taught that women should take care of their dignity because they have the grace of the God; they have the grace of God because they bore the continuation of the human race (Shanti 336). The vision of Guru Nanak is for women to enjoy the same rights and opportunities as men wherever they are (Mann “Sikhism” 291). Nevertheless, Punjabi culture does have its patriarchal elements that limit women’s roles and responsibilities mostly inside the house (Mann “Sikhism” 291). Still, modern-day Sikhs are slowly reducing these gender norms to ensure genuine gender equality (Mann “Sikhism” 291). These religious ideals that champion human dignity and equality to appealed to hundreds and thousands of Americans who turned to Sikhism for spiritual fulfillment. Despite the holistic appeal of Sikhism, it is not without its religious and cultural challenges that included political dimensions that went beyond U.S. borders, particularly because of its relationship with the Punjab. The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) is the primary Sikh organization in Amritsar. In Fairfax Gurdwara contested the political control from SGPC. The SGPC believes that it holds the constitutional control of all gurdwaras in the U.S. (Mann “Sikhism” 289). Fairfax Gurdwara perceives itself as an autonomous identity from the SGPC, and they do not accept the symbolic or political power of SGPC over them (Mann “Sikhism” 289). Fairfax Gurdwara wants to affect decision-making for Sikhs and the Punjab in Amritsar, which SGPC resents (Mann “Sikhism” 289). This is an example of an internal religious conflict that has national and global religious leadership implications for Sikhs. A more overt political challenge for Sikhs in the U.S. is their involvement with the Punjab. First-generation Sikhs continue to see the Punjab as their homeland, so in the 1980s, they supported the “Sikh Struggle for Khalistan,” or the independence of Khalistan, a Sikh country, from both India and Pakistan. The Sikhs in the Punjab knew that only they can be “arbiters” of their destiny, but they needed international support for their clamor, part of which is coming from the Sikhs of the U.S. (Mann “Sikhism” 289). The Sikhs, at this point, were divided on their roles for the Punjab, on whether they are in the U.S. to provide expression of their faith, or also there to exert their political goals and will for Khalistan (Mann “Sikhism” 289). Nevertheless, many Sikh Americans fought for autonomy in Khalistan that they believe is aligned with American democratic ideals. Another political challenge is having access to American citizenship rights. An example is Bhagat Singh Thind, a U.S. Army veteran, who legally fought for citizenship (United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, 1923), until his case reached the Supreme Court (Mann “Making Home” 296). During the 1940s, Jagjit Singh worked with Congressman Henry Luce, which resulted to the Luce-Celler Act that provided citizenship to Sikh Americans and gave an immigration quota for their Indian relatives (Mann “Making Home” 296). Luce-Celler Act enabled Dalip Singh to run and win as a three-term Congree member from 1957 to 1963 (Mann “Making Home” 296). These actions underscore how Sikhs fought for political power through gaining American citizenship rights. These rights further allowed Sikhs to protect some, if not all, their cultural rights. Cultural challenges abound because Sikhs have preserved their cultural beliefs and practices, which not all of them fit well into the American society. Ethnic and cultural discrimination is a long-time struggle for Sikhs in the U.S., some of which are based on their long-standing cultural practices, specifically men’s use of external symbols- uncut hair and bringing of sword and wearing warrior bracelets and breeches, as symbols of fighting injustice (Mann “Making Home” 293). Some examples of discrimination are being denied of citizenship, such as Veer Singh, a Sikh who did not want to remove his turban while being sworn into American citizenship (La Brack 151 qtd. in Mann “Sikhism” 290). Another example is employment discrimination because of cultural practices. Sikhs were permitted to join the U.S. army and fight in World War I, but recently, they were banned from joining the army because of these cultural characteristics (Mann “Sikhism” 290). In Kalsi v. MTA (1995), Sikhs were terminated from their jobs because they did not want to take off their turbans or wear caps and hard hats needed for postal and construction work (Mann “Sikhism” 290). In Cheema v. Thompson (1993), Khalsa children want to earn the right of bringing their ritual swords into California school districts, a Sikh practice that is also banned in the U.S. (Mann “Sikhism” 290). Other fast food chains did not allow their Sikh employees to wear their ceremonial steel bracelet for health reasons (Mann “Making Home” 295). Ethnic and religious discrimination reached its height after the attacks of al Qaeda on U.S. soil during 9/11. Sikhs looked like the al Qaeda terrorists because both groups did not cut their beards and they had long hair and wore turbans, thereby making Sikhs vulnerable to hate crimes, which even resulted to the murder of a Sikh American and 125 bias reports (Dhavan, Rice, and Filene 819; Falcone 90). The Sikhs, however, proactively fought misconceptions about their religion and culture through various political and cultural efforts. Even before 9/11, Sikhs actively encouraged assimilation of some local beliefs and practices, as well as intercultural and interfaith connections. The Sikhs have designed many of their temples with exteriors following modern American architectural innovations, for instance (Mann “Making Home” 296). They also sent ambassadors to schools to explain their religion and culture to non-Sikh students (Mann “Making Home” 297). Sikh leaders also commonly invited other faith and political leaders to visit their temples to promote better exposure of their culture to other religious and political figures too (Mann “Making Home” 297). Sikhs also conducted cultural parades, such as Sikh Day parades (Mann “Making Home” 297). The Richmond Hill gurdwara initiated the Vaisakhi parade in New York in 1988, a yearly event, where more than 20,000 Sikhs regularly participate as they gathered in Times Square and paraded down to Madison Square Park with more than 30 floats signifying Sikh culture and history (Mann “Making Home” 297). As for intercultural connection, an example is the intermarriage between Sikhs and mostly Mexican women that started in 1916, according to public records (La Brack 289). Some dimensions of Asian practices were preserved in this set-up, including the propensity of Sikhs who were partners to marry the sisters of their partners’ wives, or to marry someone that Mexican wives recommend (La Brack 290). Inter-racial marriage is a sign of assimilation, although the marriages were between two minorities of the American culture. La Brack noted that these marriages did not produce Punjabi-based networks, and instead, two parallel, but uneven, networks emerged (290). The first networks came from groups of Punjabi Sikh males who came from usually similar or connected villages or districts in India, while the second networks came from women and their female-centered Mexican kinship circles (La Brack 290). Basically, the Punjabis preserved their common language, religion, and history through their friendships, commercial partnerships, and co-leasing on the one hand, while, on the other hand, Mexican women maintained their Spanish language and Mexican Catholic orientation and culture (La Brack 290). The intercultural connection somehow managed to preserve two distinct cultures with distinct religious beliefs and even language systems. Apart from experiencing parallel cultures and networks, these inter-racial marriages experienced cultural problems, mostly actually concerning the raising of children, especially daughters (La Brack 291). While male Punjabi Americans wanted to preserve traditional female gender norms, Mexican wives gave their daughters permission to date, attend parties, and other forms of freedoms (La Brack 292). Second and third-generation Indian Americans also had conflicts with their Punjabi parents. Being born in America, they questioned the rigid traditions that they felt were imposed on them (La Brack 305). Some Sikh Americans felt that these traditions were not even spiritual in origins, but more of a product of ancient cultural practices and lack modern appeal (La Brack 305). All the same, some Sikhs maintained their traditional clothing and Sikh symbols that made them a distinctive ethnic group (La Brack 305). In addition, young Sikhs also actively led the promotion of Sikh culture and history to reduce misconceptions about their identity. In 1996, a group of Sikh graduate citizens formed the Sikh MediaWatch and Resource Task Force (SMART) (Mann “Making Home” 299). It started as an apolitical organization, meaning it has no political goals, which concentrated on offering mainstream Americans access to precise information about different dimensions of Sikhism (Mann “Making Home” 299). For the past few years, the group broadened its activities by working with government and civil agencies/organizations to inform Sikhs of their constitutional rights (Mann “Making Home” 299). SMART is an example of how no matter how much Sikhs wanted to avoid politicizing their advocacies, they are increasingly learning that they cannot fight for their rights without doing political works. After 9/11, Sikhs increasingly promoted more intercultural interactions and activities. Cultural activities and exhibitions helped show who the Sikhs are as people, so that they would not be mistaken as terrorists or radical Islamists. An example is the “Sikh Community: Over 100 Years in the Pacific Northwest,” an exhibition that shows photos, documents, and other material artifacts of their history (Dhavan et al. 820). It also explained their cultural practices, including their warrior perspective and uncut hair (Dhavan et al. 820). The exhibit was basically a multimedia introduction that provided a comprehensive foundation of understanding the basic tenets of Sikhism for non-Sikhs (Dhavan et al. 820). Furthermore, right after 9/11, the gurdwaras in Washington area recorded hate crimes against Sikhs. Several Sikhs reported stories of harassment and violence. Someone shot a young man while he was driving towards home; a religious Sikh leader, called granthi, was driven off the road by someone who might have thought that wearing a turban and having a beard meant responsibility for 9/11; experiences of Sikh children being bullied at school; and Sikhs who reported that people looked harshly at them and shouted, “Go home, Bin Laden!” (Falcone 93). The level of hatred against Sikhs indicated that many non-Sikhs clearly did not understand how different Sikhism is from radical Islam. Sikhs created an organized approach to educate Americans about their religion and culture and to prevent further animosity against their people. The gurdwara leadership led or joined a number of joint meetings, including Sikh lobbying and media-watch organizations (i.e. Sikh Council on Religion and Education (SCORE) and Sikh MediaWatch and Resource Taskforce (SMART)) (Falcone 94). In their first joint meeting on September 12, 2001, they discussed contingencies and delegation of action plans. In their next meeting on September 15, they planned to conduct several actions: (1) distribution of thousands of U.S. flag stickers for the automobiles of Sikhs to protect against hate crimes; (2) mailing form letters to proper school-district superintendents to express concern for school bullying against Sikhs; (3) requesting media to cover Sikhs who suffered from mistaken identity due to a series of racial/ethnic discrimination against them; (4) hanging banners in gurdwaras that assert that Sikh Americans join the nation in prayer; and (5) informing law enforcement agencies of the alarming hate crimes affecting Sikhs (Falcone 94). Finally, in all these actions, Sikhs balanced Sikh identity and American identity. In temple architecture, they merged cultural and local designs in the exterior (i.e. adapting use of dome at the center, similar to American buildings), while maintaining key spiritual and cultural symbols, such as hoisting of Sikh flag that means charity, justice, and spiritual victory (Mann “Making Home” 296-297). As for the outward appearance, Sikh temples did not have the same external features as conventional gurdwara architecture (Mann “Making Home” 296). Furthermore, these gurdwaras followed the Californian landscape which Sikhs believed as oriented to their spiritual beliefs too; this thinking is evident in the absence of orientation in any specific direction, like mosques, and gurwaras do not have sophisticated beliefs for the choosing, sanctification, design, and creation of icons, such as Hindu Temples (Mann “Making Home” 296). Nonetheless, because of the respect for the Guru Granth, these temples are made to be notable landmarks in their communities (Mann “Making Home” 296). The interior of buildings also retained Sikh layout for the preservation of sacred spaces and practices; some religious habits were also maintained, such as taking off of shoes before entering sacred rooms (Mann “Making Home” 297). Punjabi remains as the main language also for worship services and content. However, other practices are no longer strictly enforced, such as arranged marriages, and young women following their husbands (now some walk beside them during the circumambulating of the Guru Granth (Mann “Making Home” 298). Indeed, however American they see themselves, Sikhs aim to preserve and to project a solid Sikh identity. In particular, the first generation of Sikhs fought hard to ensure that they could continue their religious practices in the U.S. For instance, when Sikhs came to America, they already made ad hoc arrangements for their worship practices (Mann “Making Home” 296). As their numbers grew, they discussed the necessities for building their first gurdwara in 1907 (Mann “Making Home” 296). The first step was incorporating the Pacific Coast Khalsa Diwan under California Law on May 27, 1912, and a few months after, the second step was creating the first gurdwara in Stockton, California (Mann “Making Home” 296). This temple remains the heart of Sikh American community as the first half of the twentieth century unfurled (Mann “Making Home” 296). Besides preserving religious practices, Sikhs ensured the promotion of their language. Sikhism and the Punjabi language are now taught in prominent American universities (Mann “Making Home” 298). Sikhs have financially and socially supported Sikhism and Punjabi programs in the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor and Hofstra University, among others. They also share information about Sikh beliefs through Sikh-led programs in art museums and other schools (Mann “Making Home” 298). The Sikhs also conduct outreach programs through Sikh Day parades that have become annual parades in some cities, while also participating in interfaith activities, such as the 1993 Parliament of World Religions in 1993 (Mann “Making Home” 299). Some Sikh temples are quite active in community affairs also, ensuring that Sikh community retains its traditions, while also adopting some American beliefs that it believes to be important to the development of its dynamic culture (Mann “Making Home” 299). The history of Sikhs in the U.S. showed how similar they are with other migrants in experiencing racial and cultural discrimination. However, they are especially targeted for hate crimes after 9/11 and because of continuing ignorance against Sikhism. Other issues are internal to Sikhs, such as political struggles and preservation of cultural and religious beliefs and practices for modern-day Sikhs. These issues, nevertheless, show how Sikhs continue to grapple with the balance between Sikh and American identities. They are successfully thriving in the U.S. because they know how to navigate American concerns without overlooking their own demands for preserved core Sikh values and practices. Works Cited Dhavan, Purnima, Rice, Kym S., and Benjamin Filene. “Sikh Community: Over 100 Years in the Pacific Northwest.” Journal of American History 93.3 (2006): 819-821. Academic Search Premier. Web. 4 Mar. 2014. Falcone, Jessica. “Seeking Recognition: Patriotism, Power and Politics in Sikh American Discourse in the Immediate Aftermath of 9/11.” Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15.1 (2006): 89-119. 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