Central Asian Politics: Critical Review Paper - Essay Example

Central Asian Politics: Critical Review Paper Colin argued that Central Asia is spiraling out of control into failed democratic s primarily because of the extreme regionalism that persists because of the presence and primacy of clan kinship in Central Asian society. She explained that this phenomenon emerged because of the Soviet colonialism. The policies adopted by the Soviets, specifically to maintain power, strengthened ethnic groupings and discouraged the formation of their own respective national identities.

All that was supposedly left, when the Soviet Union was dissolved, were the weak bureaucratic institutions that were further weakened by various factors that characterize the transitioning states, from regional Communist provinces to democratic societies. According to Colin, it was difficult for each of the states, in their respective experiences, to establish central formal institutions because of an extremely fragmented society. That is why they have to turn to clans for political support and constituency.

Because of this, clan networks penetrated all branches of the government, wrangling with each other for a share of Central Asia's resources and in the process are gradually tearing the region apart. Certainly, Collin's arguments are legitimate and valid because the fact is that factionalism remains the single most important variable that endangers the states in the region into becoming another Afghanistan. The regimes that are currently in control therein were catapulted to power because of the strength of their clans' influence.

For example, Collin cited the case of President Akayev of Kyrgyzstan, who relied on the support of his own tribe and that of his wife's in order to stay in power. However, Collin's theory is excessively focused on the clans and tribalism, in its fundamental meaning. Her emphasis rests on the sheer power and bond of kinship as the sole determinant of the current dilemma experienced in Central Asia. This is perhaps true in the early 1990s or immediately after the Soviets left as the fragmented Central Asia struggled to cope with the leadership vacuum.

But the case is already different today. Or, to put in another way, several changes have already occurred that affected the dynamics of power in the region. For example, there are evidences showing that clans are no longer exclusively driven or constituted by families, blood relations or kinship. Perhaps because of their previous prominent roles in politics and governance, clans have become political entities – with wider coverage - wherein connections are created – ones that are not necessarily based on kinship.

Gullette (2007), for example, cited several evidences that demonstrate how people create or reinforce their power base by connecting with friends, colleagues and acquaintances, in a horizontal level of networks, in order to advance political causes and agenda. (p. 381) This development seems to be within the natural progression of factionalism in Central Asia as demonstrated by the emergence of another player that increasingly becoming more prominent in policymaking in Central Asia – the economic elite.

This development came about as politics no longer dominate all policy networks. Junisbai (2010), for instance, identified the so-called financial industrial groups (finanso-promyshlennye gruppy or FPGs) as an emergent contributor to the factionalism that is still persistently driving Central Asia apart. This sector supposedly is creating a different conflict among financial-industrial group, whose claims to power are driven by their support of those in power. In Kazakhstan, Junasbai wrote, FPGs form part of the president’s inner circle and that their memberships is not limited to the president’s extended family or to those sharing the same clan or tribal identity. (p. 236) What Collin has so far effectively proved is the way factionalism remains the fundamental reason why Central Asian states are in tethering on the edge.

Their authoritarian governments – with all their obsessive grips on power – have to contend with the various forces vying for influence and resources. This is tribalism in its broadest sense. There are no single dominant groupings that would constitute a majority that is why creating a powerbase or an effective social foundation (for example, civil society) remains elusive. What Collin failed to consider, however, was the fact that there are other elements besides kinship or tribal lineage that drive factionalism.

The progression of events in Central Asia demonstrated the roles of the political and economic elites that claim their respective shares in dividing each state into constantly warring factions. These sectors demonstrate a more diverse nature of factionalism that deserves to be examined if a holistic solution to the Central Asian dilemma is to be achieved. All in all, Collin successfully provided us a framework to work on and make sense of the problem. She correctly identified the structural challenges and that what is left for us to do is to fine tune her theory in such a way that it accommodates the other elements mentioned by this paper.

References Collins, K. (2004) ‘The Logic of Clan Politics: Evidence From the Central Asian Trajectories’, World Politics, 56 (2): 224-261.  Gulette, D. (2007) ‘Theories on Central Asian Factionalism: The Debate in Political Science and its Wider Implications’, Central Asian Survey, 26 (3): 373- 87.  Junisbai, B. (2010) “A Tale of Two Kazakhstans: Sources of Political Cleavage and Conflict in the Post-Soviet Period,” Europe-Asia Studies, 62 (2): 235-69.