Difficulties Single Fathers Face Raising a Child in London - Essay Example

?Difficulties Single Fathers Face Raising A Child in London Literature Review Introduction Perceptions of single parenthood typically focused on women. However, according to Torr (2003, p. 15), in recent years with an increase in the number of single fathers, there is a growing realization that single parenthood also effect fathers. The latest national statistics updated in 2006 reflect that in London alone, there are 16,473 single fathers (Sunedelin 2009). Despite increasing attention to the single father, the single father remains disadvantaged when compared to single mothers. Torr (2003, p. 15) maintains that there are a number of reasons for the perpetuation of the difficulties single father face. To start with, societal perceptions of single fathers contribute to insufficient and quite often no public or private support for single fathers. Additionally, the UK National Statistics (2011) report that single fathers are more likely to be working parents compared to single mothers. According to a 2001 UK National Statistics released in February 2011, just over 62 per cent of single fathers compared to just over 47 per cent of single mothers. This chapter explores the literature relative to the status and treatment of single fathers in the UK generally, but with particular focus on single fathers in London. The purpose of this chapter is to establish a conceptual framework for demonstrating that single fathers in London face a number of difficulties as a result of both societal and government treatment and perceptions of single fathers and fathers generally. This chapter will also explore the possibility that fathers are already disadvantaged by the fact that they are typically working fathers, obviating a greater need for support. I. Public Perceptions of Fatherhood Public perceptions of fatherhood are generally reflected in expectations and experiences within the family structure and based on public policies and legislation. There is a paucity of empirical research in public perceptions of fatherhood. Much of the literature is comprised of historical developments, legal developments, and policy decisions. For the most part, public perceptions of fatherhood are deduced from expectations within the family as expressed in the social sciences and by the law and policy makers as primarily expressed in the law. Daly (1993, p. 511) conducted a study involving 32 fathers of children under the age of 6 and reports that one of the greatest barriers to successful single fatherhood is public perceptions of the role of the father. Daly’s (1993, p. 511) survey of the subject fathers discovered that these fathers of the young children were informed of their roles by pervious experiences with their own fathers. According to Dowd (2002, p. 5) theorizes that public perceptions of fatherhood are embedded in the law’s perpetuation of the father as a biological and economic figure, which essentially denies that the father is a nurturing parent. Di Torella (2007, p. 319) substantiates Dwod’s theory by pointing out that although the Work and Family Act 2006 seeks to reinvent the role of the father, it is primarily geared toward accommodating the working mother, rather than the working father and therefore continues to perpetuate the public perception that the father is the financial rather than substantive parent. The legal treatment of the father is explored in greater detail below in Section III below. For present purposes, suffice it to state that according to Dowd (2002, p. 5) the legal representation of the father stems from the traditional and historical representation of the father as a property owner and source of financial support for the child. It is hardly surprising that public perceptions of fatherhood tend to undermine the significance of the father in the child’s development and growth. Vincent and Ball (2006, p. 90) inform that based on their interpretation of legal and public treatment of the father, both “popular and policy discourses on fathers are not flattering”. Essentially, public perceptions of fathers as reflected in the law and policies, tend to view the father as: …somewhat fragile, helpless beings, unknowing and/or uncommitted, and in need of guidance (Vincent and Ball 2006, p. 90). Public policy is no less flattering, as demonstrated by Vincent and Ball (2006, p. 90) in their account of recent historical developments relative to the treatment of fathers by UK policy makers. In the UK and a many other developed states, public policy focuses attention on fatherhood as a crisis and gives way to a perception that the father is an unattached and irresponsible parent. Until the latter part of the 1980s, fatherhood was very loosely dealt with by policy makers at which time, attention then turned to the absent father and how best to ensure that they took care of their financial responsibilities toward the children. The creation of the UK’s Child Support Agency is a manifestation of this attention to the irresponsible and/or absent father. According to Vincent and Ball (2006, p. 90), the message that this kind of policy sends to the public is that the father is incapable of forming a substantial bond with the child and that bond is even more fragile in absent fathers. Fein (1978, p. 122) examined a vast array of literature in the social sciences which examine fatherhood. Fein’s research traced the literature over the thirty or so years leading up to 1978 and he was able to deduce that over the years fatherhood has been conceptualized in three different ways. traditionally there have been and continues to be three distinct conceptualizations of fatherhood. The first is the traditional view which perceives the father as a detached parent. The second is the modern view which embodies concerns that the child’s sexual identity, moral and academic accomplishments are largely influenced by the degree to which the father remains in contact with the child. The third conceptualization f fatherhood is characterized as the “emergent perspective” which examines the possibility that men can play a nurturing role in the child’s development (Fein 1978, p. 122). LaRossa (1988, p. 451) conducted an examination of the socio-economic changes in the US since 1900 and argues however, that public perspectives are largely consistent with the traditional view of fatherhood, although these perceptions are inconsistent with reality. The public typically associates fathers as playing a relatively insignificant role in child rearing. However, the reality is that increasingly, fathers are determined to play a more significant role in the child rearing process and want to be there for their children unlike their own fathers were (LaRossa 1988, p. 451). Based on the literature thus far, it is possible to conceptualize that single fatherhood presents significant challenges in the context of public perspectives of fatherhood. Law and policy depicts or at the very least treats the father as a financial provider and this treatment corresponds with public attitudes that the father’s role is one of support rather than co-parenting. There appears to be a link between the law and policy-makers’ treatment of the father as irresponsible, non-committing and detached and the public’s corresponding view of the father as such. At the same time, fathers are attempting to reinvent themselves and want to take on a more significant role in their children’s lives. As a result there are tensions between the father’s ambitions and public perceptions of fatherhood. These tensions are formidable barriers to single fathers as they do not obtain the kind of legal and social support that single mothers do. II. Construction of Fatherhood Researchers generally examine the construction of fatherhood along gender and cultural factors. Therefore the construction of fatherhood is primarily perceived as supported by normative values and practices rather than substantiated by empirical research studies. Historical studies and demographic evidence recorded in the history have led researchers to the conclusion that fatherhood is structured around, gender and cultural norms. Bjournberg (1991, p. 18) drawing on historical and contemporary developments in Western societies, interprets the constructs of family in Western societies as reflecting that mothers are regarded as the child’s permanent dependent while the father has been constructed as the authority, financial support and the family’s protector. This contemporary and Western construction of fatherhood is steeped in history and tradition. Hobson (2001, p. 261) drawing on history, goes on to explain that for much of British history following the Boer War, women were constructed by law and policy and in social settings as the mother and as such the primary caretaker. Meanwhile men were constructed as “workers and soldier” and as a result “implicitly as fathers” who were disposable (Hobson 2001, p. 261). Fathers therefore evolved as providers rather than carers (Hobson 2001, p. 261). Hojgaard (1997, p. 245) examines change in Scandinavian countries within the relationship between the father and work. This examination is made by reference to theories attending gender and culture which dictates “institutional and interactional processes” (Hojgaard 1997, p. 245). Hojgaard (1997, p. 245) as a result comes to the conclusion that that essentially, the construction of fatherhood is intricately tied to concepts of masculinity and despite social changes in which women are joining the workforce at an alarming rate, fatherhood remains influenced by ideology attached to masculinity although those perceptions are not as strong as in the past (Hojgaard 1997, p. 245). In fact Halford (2006, p. 383) examined recent trends in which more and more adults are working from home and argues that, despite these changes there is no evidence in today’s Western societies, that fatherhood is no longer constructed around the segregation of work and home. Although, more and more mothers are leaving home to work and more and more fathers are either working from home or remaining at home, baggage from the past ideals about masculinity and the father’s role within the household remains dominant, although to a lesser degree (Halford 2006, p. 383). Turner (2005, p. 89) explains that the perpetuation of the role of the man within the family constructs is reflected in social and legal policies. Turner further maintains that the emphasis on fathers within the child welfare schemes of Western societies is one that commands support by way of financial care in the case of unmarried and divorced absent fathers. This is clearly demonstrated by social workers when they are seeking to take action to protect a child. In such a case, social workers will sooner attempt to place the child with grandparents or a neighbour first, usually not involving fathers at all. There is a general presumption that the absent father is not concerned about the child’s welfare because they are not living with the child or has not been making child support payments (Turner 2005, p. 89). Curran and Abrams (2000, p. 662) base their assumptions on the evolving state of the law and its preservation of the role of men. In this regard, Curran and Abrams (2000, p. 662) argue that although gender roles are changing and laws are continuing to attempt to involve fathers in the child’s welfare, the law retains the historical and traditional role of men. The fact is the law holds fast to the hierarchal order of the family (Curran and Abrams 2000, p. 662). This is manifested by the tendency to award custody of the child to the mother and to make an order for child support. Ultimately, these legal practices and policies, while attempting to ensure the absent father’s involvement in the child’s upbringing, do so in such a way as to reinforce the view that the father, by reason of his gender, is primarily a source of financial rather than emotional support. III. Legislation and Support Di Torella (2007, p. 319) interprets the Work and Families Act 2006 as an obvious desire and need to improve the father’s position relative to the family. While the Work and Families Act 2006 purports to do so, it is obvious that the working mother is at the heart of the legislative move. The explanatory notes to the 2006 Act explain a somewhat different outcome that Di Torella’s. According to Great Britain, Work and Families 2006, Explanatory notes (2006, p. 1) primary purpose of the 2006 Act is to extend the time allowed for maternity leave with pay from 26 weeks to 52 weeks; to permit fathers to take leave so as to take care of a child and to be paid for such leave provided they meet certain conditions; and the right of new parents to request and receive flexible working hours. A closer examination of the legal history preceding the 2006 Act supports Di Torella’s assertions. The Employment Rights Act 1996, (Part 8) provides for the right to obtain leave with respect to family matters. Section 3 of the Work and Families Act 2006 provides that in addition to Part 8 of the Employment Rights Act 1996 a father may request additional paternity leave with pay for up to 26 weeks (Work and Families Act 2006, Section 3). A close reading of Section 3 of the 2006 Act however, clearly demonstrates that the legislative support accorded to the father only arises as a means of offering support to the mother. Lewis and Campbell (2007, p. 5) interprets the 2006 Act in much the same manner as Di Torella. Accordingly, Lewis and Campbell (2007, p. 5) explain that the focus of the 2006 Act is to respond to the “dilemma of balancing employment and care work, chiefly in respect of mothers.” Essentially, unless the father is in a relationship with the mother, he cannot expect to be accorded paternity leave. Moreover, the father may only receive paternity leave if the mother is unable to obtain leave or is unable to care for the child in question. Moreover, paternity leave can be prescribed depending on the length of employment (Work and Families Act 2006, Section 3). Similar conditions exist with respect to the adoption of a child and the father’s right to paternity leave largely depends on the adopter in much the same way as the right to paternity leave is permitted with respect to the mother’s right to maternity leave (Work and Families Act 2006, Section 4). Section 12 of the 2006 Act permits an employee to request flexible working hours so as to care for a child (Work and Families Act 2006, Section 12). This is the only provision that is helpful to the single father as it does not require that the applicant father establish a relationship with the mother. However, the grounds upon which the request may be refused renders this measure of support to the single father practically inconsequential. As legal scholar Dimond (2010, p. 359) explains, from experience, in practice, the employer may refuse the request for flexible working hours if he/she will incur “additional costs”. Dimond (2010, p. 359) goes on to explain that in practice, the employer may also refuse a request by the father for flexible working hours if he/she will have difficulties meeting the demands of customers. The employee father will be denied flexible working hours if the employer is not able to restructure or redistribute the work among the current staff. Flexible working hours will be denied if the employer is unable to hire new staff or if the granting of flexible hours will undermine the quality of the work. According to Dimond (2010, p. 359), additional grounds for denial of flexible working hours include: Detrimental impact on performance; insufficiency of work during the periods the employee proposes to work; planned structural changes and such other grounds as the Secretary of State may specify by regulations. Essentially, the employer may deny the father’s request on virtually any ground that relates to an inconvenience to the employer. It is difficult to see a single father successfully obtaining permission to work flexible hours for the purpose of caring for a child. It therefore follows that for the most part working single fathers are left with little support and will invariably have to look elsewhere for child care while he is working. IV. Challenges Facing Single Fathers Raising Children New and Cochran (2008, p. 365) assume that since children’s needs are consistent, single fathers are confronted with essentially the same challenges that single mothers face and can also be competent primary caregivers. However, (Yarber and Sharpe 2010, p. 138) drawing on the traditional roles ascribed men and women in society, argue that there are stress factors that can complicate the single father’s ability to act as a primary caregiver. Yarber and Sharpe (2010, p. 138) also rely on grounded theories to support this supposition. For example, individualists argue that the social norms ensure that females grow into the parenting role while males are socialized into becoming more competitive and work focused (Yarber and Sharpe 2010, p. 138). In other words, prescribed gender roles do not prepare single fathers for parenting as well as those prescriptions prepare single mothers and females in general. From the individualists’ perspective, parenting is a gendered role for which males are ill-prepared. However, the structionalists theory presents a more realistic view of parenting in the modern age. According to the structionalists theory, parenting challenges result from the differences in opportunities for men and women. Parenting behaviour is therefore a product of daily relations rather than an ingrained socialization process. Both fathers and mothers confront similar challenges with respect to providing primary care for their children. Yarber and Sharp (2010, p. 138) explain that when either parent is work-oriented, the will have the same levels of stress relative to providing primary care to children. Drawing on the individualist and structionalist theories of single parenting stress-factors, it would appear that single mothers are better prepared to take on the challenge of raising a child alone while men come into the experience ill-prepared. The structionalists argue that both men and women cope with single parenting in the same way under the same set of circumstances. There is support in the literature for the individualists’ theory of single fatherhood. According to Meyers (1993, p. 447) whose article drew conclusions based on the assumed role of the father in the child’s development and social variables that influence that role, argued that single fathers face a formidable challenge as a result of gender boundaries in virtually all societies. Meyers (1993, p. 447) explains that the fact is, men do not typically obtain a parenting foundation from education nor from the socialization process. Therefore: Men are less likely to be primed for parenthood, as men usually have had less experience than have women in taking care of young children (for example helping with younger siblings or baby-sitting) before becoming parents and may not have had the opportunity to observe and model a highly involved, sensitive, same-sex caregiver during childhood (Meyers 1993, p. 447). Even so, sociologists Newman and Grauerholz (2002, p. 351) using sociological theories, argue that when men take on the role of single father, this can be viewed as an entirely feminine role. This can make single fathers hesitant to openly exhibit essential parenting requirements of nurturing, intimacy, cuddling and other manifestations of family love. These displays of parental love are typically associated with mothering (Newman and Grauerhoz 2002, p. 351). Regardless, expectations of fathers are different from those of mothers. As revealed in the previous sections of this chapter, fathers are expected to be a provider and a protector. Dowd (1999, p. xv) drawing on gender roles and cultural norms maintains that as a result, fathers are not expected to be crucial caregivers and nurturers and as a result, they are either viewed as poor parents or praised for taking on the challenge of single parenting. Put another way, single fathers are not expected to perform well and are not held to the same standard of parenting as mothers are. This means that single fathers may have to look inward for support and commitment to successful parenting. V. Children Raised in Single Parent Households Berns (2009, p.86) maintains that there is very little research on single parent fathers. However, Berns (2009) maintains that there is ample research to indicate that the primary implications for children raised in any single parent households are emotional and/or economical. In a typical case, psychologists reports that the child will often fantasise about the absent parent in ways that do not correspond with reality and therefore the child will inevitably be disappointed with respect to the absent parent. This does not mean that some children do not have realistic and on-going relations with the absent parent. A great many do. However, the fact of living with an absent parent presents emotional problems for children in single-parent homes that do not occur for children in two parent households (Berns 2009, p. 86). Berns (2009, p. 86) argues further that single parents, particularly single mothers typically experience economical, physical and emotional difficulties which often impact the children’s social and academic performance. The fact is, families headed by women typically experience a decline in the standard of living in cases where the family was previously headed by a man. Single fathers usually have greater financial resources and greater authority over their children, therefore stress factors may differ (Berns 2009, p. 86). A review of the literature also reveals that children raised in single parent households are subject to poorer parenting. Yarber and Sharp (2010, p. 45), drawing on social norms and ascribed gender roles, conclude that this is because single parents are typically inundated with the duty of having to act as both provider and nurturer and inevitably, nurturing is sacrificed in favour of providing. Moreover, according to Yarber and Sharp (2010, p. 45), it is conceivable that single parents, as a result of economic demands may experience less time for becoming involved in the child’s socialization and supervision process. Educator Deiner (2009, p. 42) draws on experience in the field and contact with families, parents and other educators. Deiner (2009) is therefore able to conclude from personal observations that the reality is, single parent imposes double duty upon the parent to the detriment of the child’s well-being. These children often spend more time than children in two parent households unsupervised or poorly supervised. While most of these children grow up will little or no negative consequences, they face greater risks than children who grow up with both parents in the same household. Some of these risks are behavioural in nature and can relate to acting out, rebelling against either the custodial parent or the absent parent, taking drugs, drinking, dropping out of school, teenaged pregnancies and juvenile delinquency (Deiner 2009, p. 42). VI. Outcomes for Children in Two-Parent Households vs Children from Single-Parent Households Educators Ryan and Cooper (2009, p. 99) draws on education theory, practices and reasoning and explain that children raised in two-parent households where there is parental conflict will not fare better than children who are poorly supervised and parented in single-parent households. The propensity for acting out and becoming aggressive or rebellious or inclined toward deviant behaviour is essentially the same. However, when children are raised in a two-parent household where parental conflict is non-existent or minimal, these children have a greater chance of becoming well-adjusted socially and academically than children who are raised by stressed out single parents (Ryan and Cooper 2009, p. 99). Essentially much depends on the emotional and economic support systems available to children in both two-parent and single-parent homes. If children are accorded sufficient emotional and economic support they will fare well regardless of whether or not they have both parents in the home or live with one parent. However, the reality is, single parent homes are less likely to accord children the kind of financial and economic support and parenting than households with both parents present. As a result, children in single-parent homes are at a greater risk of developing social, emotional and academic difficulties than children raised in two-parent homes. Conclusion A review of the literature reveals that single parenting is problematic for both single mothers and fathers who are forced to play both the nurturing and economic caregiver for the children. It would appear that for fathers, gender prescriptions do not properly prepare the father for the nurturing parental role. Although single fathers are better prepared for providing authority and financial support for children they are not properly prepared to act as a nurturing, loving parent. Moreover, societal norms and public policies and laws inform that anything beyond financial support for children from the father are not expected. Therefore raising a child alone is problematic for single fathers in a number of aspects particularly because expectations and standards do not correspond with successful single fatherhood. Bibliography Berns, R. (2009) Child, School, Community: Socialization and Support. Cengage Learning. Bjournberg, U. (1991) European Parents in the 1990s: Contradictions and Comparisons. Transaction Books. Curran, L. and Abrams, L. “Dads, Fatherhood, the State and Welfare Reform.” (October 2000) Gender and Society, Vol. 14(5): 662­­-678. Daly, K. (1993) “Reshaping Fatherhood: Finding the Models”. Journal of Family Issues, Vol. 14(4): 510-530. Deiner, P. (2009) Inclusive Early Childhood Education: Development, Resources, and Practice. Cengage Learning. Dimond, B. (2010) Legal Aspects of Occupation Therapy. Wiley Blackwell. Di Torella, E. (2007) “New Labour, New Dad – the Impact of Family Friendly Legislation on Fathers.” Industrial Law Journal, Vol. 36(3): 318-238. Dowd, N. (2002) Redefining Fatherhood. New York University Press. Dowd, N. (1999) In Defense of Single-Parent Families. New York University Press. Employment Rights Act 1996. Fein, R. (Winter 1978) “Research on Fathering: Social Policy and an Emergent Perspective.” Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 34(1): 122-135. Great Britain, Work and Families 2006: Chapter 18, Explanatory Notes. The Stationery Office. Halford, S. (July 2006) “Collapsing the Boundaries? Fatherhood, Organization and Home-Working,” Gender, Work and Organization, Vol. 13(4): 383-402. Hobson, B. (2001) Making Men into Fathers. Cambridge University Press. Hojgaard, L. (July 1997) “Working Fathers – Caught in the Web of the Symbolic Order of Gender.” Acta Sociologica Vol. 40(3): 245-261. LaRossa, R. (Oct. 1988) “Fatherhood and Social Change.” Family Relations, Vol. 37(4): 451-457. Lewis, J. and Campbell, M. (2007) “UK Work/Family Balance Policies and Gender Equality, 1997-2005”. Social Policy, Vol. 14 (1): 4-30. Meyers, S. (Oct. 1993) “Adapting Parent Education Programs to Meet the Needs of Fathers: An Ecological Perspective.” Family Relations, Vol. 42(4): 447-452. National Statistics. (14 February 2011) “Census 2001 – Families of England and Wales”. http://www.statistics.gov.uk/census2001/profiles/commentaries/family.asp (Retrieved 14 February 2011). New, R. and Cochran, M. (2008) Early Childhood Education. Greenwood Publications. Newman, D. and Grauderholz, E. (2002) Sociology of Families. Pine Forge Press. Ryan, K. and Cooper, J. (2009) Those Who Can, Teach. Cengage Learning. Sunedelin, J. (2 March 2009) “Support Charity Brings Single Fathers Into Focus”. Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/mar/02/single-dads-support (Retrieved 12 February 2011). Torr, J. (2003) Is there a Father in the House? Radcliffe Publishing. Turner, F. (2005) Social Work Diagnosis in Contemporary Practice. Oxford University Press. Vincent, C. and Ball, S. (2006) Childcare, Choice and Class Practices: Middle-Class Parents and Their Children. Taylor and Francis. Work and Families Act 2006. Yarber, A. and Sharp, P. (2010) Focus on Single-Parent: Past, Present, and Future. ABC-CLIO. Questionnaire Demographics 1. How long have you been a single father? A. Less than a Year. B. More than a Year. C. At least five years. D. More than five years. 2. How did you become a single father? A. Divorce. B. Widow. C. Birth outside of marriage. 3. How many children do you have custody of? A. One child. B. Less than three children. C. More than three children. 4. How were you raised? A. By a single mother parent. B. By a single father parent. C. By both parents. 5. What is your ethnic background? A. Black B. White C. Asian D. Other (Please specify) Perceptions of Parenting (Choose any of the following that you think are applicable). 1. What are the responsibilities of a mother? A. Nurturing. B. Child development. C. Socialising the child. D. Co-parenting with the father. A. What are the father’s responsibilities? B. Discipline. C. Moral support. D. Financial support. E. Co-parenting with the mother. 2. Do you think that a father should be involved in: A. Socializing the child. B. Dressing the child. C. The child’s education. D. Caring for the child when the child is sick. 3. Do you think that the mother should: A. Leave discipline to the father. B. Share financial responsibility for the child. C. Have sole responsibility for the child’s education. D. Make welfare decisions alone. 4. Should a father be expected to: A. Provide emotional support for the child. B. Only provide moral support to the mother. C. Always cooperate with the mother’s decisions about a child’s welfare. D. Assert authority. 5. Parenting is a: A. Joint responsibility between mother and father. B. Primarily the mother’s responsibility. C. Something that mothers are best suited to do. D. Something that fathers are ill prepared for. Support 1. As a single father, do you get parenting support from (Choose any of the following that you think are applicable): A. The mother. B. Grandparents. C. Schools. D. Neighbours. E. Friends. 2. Do you get financial support from: A. Government agencies. B. The courts. C. Charities. D. Other institutions (specify). 3. Do you get emotional support from: A. Friends. B. Family. C. Neighbours. D. Coworkers. 4. Who are least supportive of you as a single father? A. Friends. B. Government institutions. C. Courts. D. Family. E. Mother. 5. Do you think single fathers get less support than single mothers? A. Yes. B. No. It’s about the same. C. Single fathers do not get any support at all. D. Single fathers do not need as much support as single mothers. Challenges For Single Fathers (Choose any of the following that you think are applicable). 1. Are your children responsive to you as an authority figure? A. Yes. B. No. C. Not always, but most of the time. D. Sometimes but, more often they are not responsive. 2. How do you provide afterschool care for your children? A. I employ a baby-sitter. B. I take them to afterschool programmes. C. They remain at home alone. D. They stay with family or friends after school. 3. How are the children coping with an absent mother? A. They miss her. B. They do not seem to miss her. C. They spend time with her. D. They spend time with her but want to live with her. 4. Do you express affection for your children? A. I rarely do. B. I do so often. C. Not in public, but in the privacy of our home. D. Children need affection from their mothers and female relatives. 5. Do you participate in the child’s education? A. I do not have time. B. I do if I can find the time. C. I make time for it. D. I do if there is a problem only. Read More