English Phonetics and Phonology - Coursework Example

Phonology and Linguistics Transcription A: How was your trip yesterday? | haɪ | ˈhaʊ wəz juə trɪp ˈjestədi | B: Great thanks. Well, apart from a bitof a delay on the Manchester train. ˈɡreɪt səŋks | wel e| əˈpəːt flɒm ə bɪt ɒv ə dɪreː ɒn zə məntʃestə ˈtreɪn | A: Well I hope it didn’t make you late for your appointment? wel aɪ ˈhəʊp ɪts ˈdɪdn(t) ˈmeɪkju reɪt fə jər əˈpɔɪntmənt | B: No, it was fine. Anyway, what should we have to drink? nəʊ | ɪt wəz faɪn | ːanyweɪ | ˈwɒt ʃud wi həf tuː ˈdrɪŋk | A: I quite fancy a hot chocolate. What about you? aɪk ˈwaɪt fænsi ə ˈhɒchokreɪt | ˈwətəbaʊtju | B: Mm I think I’ll have green tea. I’ll go and order, shall I? | mm || ˈaɪsˈɪŋk aɪl həv griːn tiː | aɪl gɔː ənd əl ɔːdə | ˈʃəl ˈaɪ | A: thanks. Actually, I think I’ll just have a coffee instead. ˈθæŋks | ˈæktʃuəri | ˈaɪ ˈθɪŋk aɪl ˈdʒəst həv ə ˈkæfi ɪnˈsted | B: Sure, no problem, I’ll be back in a minute. ʃʊə | nɔːəʊ ˈprɒbrəm | aɪl bi ˈbæk ɪn ə mɪnɪt | Analysis There are major contrasts between English and Japanese phonology and linguistics. Analysing the contrasts between English and Japanese phonology would help make determinations on the challenges faced by Japanese speakers of English. In this paper, Japanese speakers were asked to read out loud a conversation in English. This paper would analyse the differences and errors in the English pronunciations by Japanese speakers. There are numerous errors in pronunciation in the recording of the Japanese speakers. The word /delay/ (Speaker B) with the replacement of /l/ with /r/ and the word heard as /dɪreː/. Also errors in the word /it/ (Speaker A) which at one point was pronounced /ɪts/, and /late/ (Speaker A) for /reɪt/ and /for/ was pronounced as /fə/ with /r/ not heard (Speaker A). The word /think/ (Speaker B) was also heard as /sɪnk/ and the words /actually/ which is pronounced as /æktʃuəri/ (Speaker A). The word /problem/ is also heard as /prɒbrəm/ (Speaker B). There were also differences on how the word ‘your’ was spoken by Speaker A, which was pronounced as /juə/ with the /r/ being silent. The proper English pronunciation should have been /jɔr/. The word yesterday, which should have been pronounced as /jɛstərde/ was pronounced as /jestədi/ (Speaker A). The word ‘thanks’ (Speaker B) is also pronounced /səŋks/ instead of /θæŋks/. Apart (Speaker B) is also pronounced as /əˈpəːt/, once again with the /r/ being silent. The word from is pronounced as /flɒm/ (Speaker B). The word ‘the’ is pronounced by Speaker B as /zə/, instead of ðə/. Speaker B also does not pronounce the word Manchester properly (mæntʃɛstər), instead pronounces it as /məntʃestə/. Speaker A also replaces /l/ with /r/ in the word ‘well’ which is pronounced /wer/ instead of /wɛl/. Speaker A once again pronounces the word ‘for’ as fə. There is also an obvious pause in the word appointment which is pronounced as /əˈpɔɪntmənt /. Speaker B also pronounces the word ‘have’ as /həf / instead of /hæv/. The word ‘and’ is also pronounced by Speaker B as /ənd/ instead of /ænd/. Speaker B also inserts the word ‘I’ll’ in the line: /I’ll go and order, shall I?/ where the line is pronounced as /aɪl gɔː ənd əl ɔːdə/. The word shall is pronounced as /ʃəl/ instead of /ʃæl/. The word coffee is pronounced by Speaker A as /kæfi/ instead of /kɑfi/. There is also a break in the word ‘instead’ which is pronounced /ɪnˈsted/, not /ɪnstɛd/. Finally, Speaker B also pronounces the word ‘sure’ as /ʃʊə/ instead of /ʃʊr/. There is also a very faint additional syllable in the last line where Speaker B is supposed to say ‘no problem’ but instead says: /nɔːəʊ prɒbrəm/. A general assessment of the phonology of the conversation reveals that the Japanese learners have transferred their knowledge and forms from their first language (Japanese) into the second language (English) (Carruthers, 2006). This practice has been noted by Lado (1957) who has acknowledged this tendency among Japanese speakers. His contention is apparent in the Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis (Carruthers, 2006) which indicates the comparison for two languages can be applied to as a means of predicting areas which may cause difficulties to learners (Gass and Selinker, 2001). Lado (1957) also acknowledges that knowledge in the similarities of language as well as differences is important in order to establish teaching materials, establishing tools in pronunciation as well as vocabulary, and understanding the cultures (Carruthers, 2006). Lado (1957) also indicated that such considerations must be based on evidence observed from learners. In the language narration, the Japanese speakers presented more complicated vowel and consonant differences and there were combinations in English sounds which were not easy or difficult to produce (Carruthers, 2006). There are also some phonological qualities where English and Japanese vary from each other (Carruthers, 2006). In speaking in English, the speakers obviously presented different difficulties owing to the differences in sounds, the distribution of sounds for the phonemes and allophones, and the difficulties in the syllables (Carruthers, 2006). Segmental problems The Japanese speakers were confronted with two segmental problems. First, that some sounds which are in the English language are not always present in Japanese as well; and second, there are differences in how phonemes and allophones are distributed (Carruthers, 2006). These difficulties have an order in manifesting and the primary issue relates to cases where differentiations are present (Rogerson-Revell, 2011). Primarily, this is when one L1 sound would be heard for two L2 sounds; second is where a sound heard in L1 would not be present in L2, and the third and least manifested issue is when both the L1 and L2 sounds seem very much similar to each other (Carruthers, 2006; Rogerson-Revell, 2011). Moreover, some English phones which are not present in the Japanese language seem to be one of the first challenges faced by the speakers in speaking English (Carruthers, 2006; Levis, 2005). In general, writers like Nakai (2005) mention that there are up to 109,000 lesser sounds in Japanese when compared to the English language. These numbers reveal the stark difference in the sound inventories for the two languages (Carruthers, 2006; Rogerson-Revell, 2011). As pointed out by Lado (1957), L2 learners would find it more difficult working where an L2 phone is absent in the L1 as compared to the L2 sound, likened to an L1 sound (Carruthers, 2006). The Japanese speakers of English would therefore expect difficulties in pronouncing the lax vowels in English including the different consonants /ð/θ/ and /v/ (Carruthers, 2006). Japanese speakers and the Japanese language use only five vowels while the English language has 12 vowels (Carruthers, 2006). The difference is due to the fact that the Japanese language does not change pronunciations based on tense (Avery and Ehrlich, 1992). The English language makes tense and lax distinctions in its vowels known through muscle tension (/iy/, /ey/, /uw/, and /ow/) (Carruthers, 2006; Rogerson-Revell, 2011). There are also in contrast to lax counterparts including different vowels in the English language (/I/, /Ɛ/, /ʊ/, /˄/, and /ə/) (Avery and Ehrlich, 1992; Carruthers, 2006). Japanese vowels are not firmly on either tense or lax vowels in the English language, they lie in between (Avery and Ehrlick, 1992). As a result, speakers often end up redistributing the available vowels they need in order to speak English. In speaking the English language, the Japanese English speakers pronounced /˄/ and /æ/ as /a/ (Carruthers, 2006). This is seen in the words /have/ which were pronounced as /həv/ not /hæv/. In some cases, they also interchanged the sounds with /ə/ being pronounced as /a/ (Carruthers, 2006). In some cases, the way the words were spoken seemed unintelligible with the line, What about you, pronounced as /wətəbaʊtju/. Acquiring new vowels seemed to be more at issue in the case of vowel sounds which were very much clustered in relation to articulation, or sounds emanating from the mid-central, mid-front and high front areas (Carruthers, 2006; Dauer, 2005). It is also seems, but is not of significant concern, that Japanese English speakers may devoice /I/ and / ʊ/ within their voiceless consonants as in the words ‘I’ which is devoiced in the phrase, ‘I quite’ to /aɪk ˈwaɪt/ or the phrase, ‘I think’ which is devoiced to sound like, /aɪsˈɪŋk/ (Thompson, 2001). The different vowel features has affected how Japanese English speakers speak, making their language difficult to understand for the native English speakers (Carruthers, 2006; Rogerson-Revell, 2011). English vowels are also different in terms of duration. In general, the duration for the tense high-front vowel /iy/ is usually longer as compared to its counterpart /I/ (Carruthers, 2006). Also, these vowels also have a longer duration in relation to voiced consonants within the same syllable (Celce-Murcia, et.al., 1996). Not differentiating the vowels may cause misunderstandings (Celce-Murcia, et.al., 1996). As discussed by Kewley-Port, et.al., (1996) as the Japanese language presents with vowel length differences, such differences can be associated with the appropriate use of short-long vowels in English. In assessing the sounds in English, there are also consonants which are not in the Japanese language. There are notable difficulties in /ð/ and /θ/ which has been heard in the transcription as /s/ and /z/ respectively, as in the word, ‘the’ which is pronounced as /zə/ instead of /ðə/ (Carruthers, 2006; Roach, 2009). As a listener, it is easy to hear /θ/ before /iy/ in relation to other fricatives like /ʒ/ as /s/ is not seen before /iy/ in Japanese (Carruthers, 2006; Kelly, 2000). This challenge in terms of perception has an effect on production. Phones also manifest in different ways in English and Japanese in terms of phoneme and allophone (Carruthers, 2006; Roach, 2009). The learner problems for perception and production however may be seen based on Best’s Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM) (Lambacher, et.al., 2001; Carruthers, 2006). In perception, those which do not have any L1 equivalent are gained in different ways: with L2 sound matched to an L1 grouping; with an L2 sound secured like a speech sound which cannot be categorized; and the L2 sound not associated with speech (Carruthers, 2006; Roach, 2009). It therefore follows that during production, the category 1 sound is used in place of a similar L1 sound, like the Japanese /ɕ/ for /ʒ/ in the English language (Carruthers, 2006). For the sounds grouped in category 2, there is a substitution made with similar sounds, approximated context of articulation, including acoustics. In this case, the Japanese speakers in English often replace /θ/ with /s/ (Carruthers, 2006; Jenkins, 2000). Usually, the category 3 sounds are not seen in production. Best recalls some related refinements with the pairs of phonemes in L2 matching different sounds in the L1 being easily discriminated (Lambacher, et.al., 2001). For L2 sounds which do not sufficiently match L1 sounds are often more challenging (Carruthers, 2006). Lambacher, et.al., (2001) also recalls that what seems to be hardest to differentiate are the L2 phonemes which are allophones for one L1 phone, like /f/ in English and /h/ which would be considered as allophones in the Japanese language (Carruthers, 2006; Roach, 2009). Such fricatives, including liquids /r/ and /l/ are an issue for Japanese speakers in English, in terms of reception and production (Carruthers, 2006; Cruttenden, 2003). As a result, the Japanese speakers had trouble pronouncing the words delay, late, and problem which are pronounced as /dɪre/, /reɪt/ and /prɒbrəm/ instead of /dəle/, /let/ and /prɑbləm/. In specific settings, choosing the proper English fricatives is problematic for Japanese speakers in English (Carruthers, 2006; Bowen and Marks, 1992). In this study, the English /f/ and /h/ cannot be identified for Japanese speakers in English and it is also hard to produce in specific vowel contexts (Carruthers, 2006). There are three allophones for the /h/ Japanese which is the palatal fricative /ɕ/ observed prior to /i/, also the bilabial fricative /ɸ/ prior to /u/ and /h/ in other places (Lambacher, et.al., 2001; Carruthers, 2006). In effect, before /uw/, the /h/ sound may be heard as /ɸ/. Also other fricatives present with allophonic differences based on the vowel following (Carruthers, 2006; Brown, 1990). Aside from fricatives, English liquids are often a major problem for Japanese speakers. The English /l/ and /r/ are sometimes one and the same sound, and Avery and Ehrlich (1992) often present these sounds to be one liquid sound between the /r/ and /l/ (Carruthers, 2006). As discussed by Thompson (2001), the Japanese /r/ sounds like a short /d/. Regardless of other perspectives, among Japanese speakers in English, the /l/ and /r/ are a major challenge for these speakers and are sounded off similar to each other (Carruthers, 2006; Collins and Meys, 2003). Also, as a native English speaker, the way I am likely to misunderstand their pronunciation of the words (Carruthers, 2006). For /r/ and /l/ in the word chocolate or late, the pronunciation is /tʃɒkrəɪt/, or /rəɪt/. Worth mentioning is the fact that since these Japanese speakers in English may substitute /r/ for vowel sounds or to omit it totally, and with /l/ sometimes maintained but expressed as /ɾ/. For the approximants, this seems to be a significant challenge for the Japanese speakers in English (Carruthers, 2006). The English pronunciation speeds through /y/ and /w/ in word-initial areas prior to matching high vowels cancelled by these speakers (Carruthers, 2006). In the case of w, limited movement in the jaw is a major problem, however, decreased lip rounding for these Japanese speakers can also limit legibility of their words (Thompson, 2001). Such lip rounding is not only important in pronouncing /w/, but also in pronouncing /uw/ which for Japanese speakers sounds like unrounded /ɯ/ (Carruthers, 2006). Lip rounding relates to vertical lip compression and also protrusion. In speaking English as well as other languages, such movements are coordinated with each other, however, among the Japanese speakers, vertical compression is used in lip rounding, and not protrusion is used (Carruthers, 2006). Same as improving protrusion, lesser lip aperture often decreases all peak tendencies (Carruthers, 2006). Changes in any tendencies to make sounds may impact on how intelligible the sounds are. In terms of the suprasegmental level, issues in Japanese syllable construction impact on how Japanese speakers in English pronounce words (Carruthers, 2006). There are more syllables in English than in the Japanese language and as such the English pronunciation has many syllable-related difficulties (Carruthers, 2006). Japanese presents with open syllables (C) V, and syllabic-n (Carruthers, 2006). The former is observed as /N/ which sounds nasal as heard in the English word ‘sing’ (Avery and Ehrlich, 2002). In the meantime, English allows V, CV, CVC, CCVC, CCVCC, etc (Carruthers, 2006). To manage consonant groupings, the Japanese speakers in English instinctively use the epenthesis (Avery and Ehrlich, 2002). Epenthesis is insertions of vowel or consonant segments in different segment strings (Carruthers, 2006). Carruthers (2006) also emphasizes that the different insertions cannot be supported etymologically however, their purpose is to manage the challenging shift between the different sounds. Also, in managing the closed syllable towards the end of a word, they may add vowels in order to allow for a much more Japanese pattern in pronunciation (Carruthers, 2006). Differences on stress were also noted. In the English language, the stress on syllables is often longer and louder as well as higher in pitch (Celce-Murcia, et.al., 1996). Japanese stress is often observed in terms of pitch, not the duration of the syllable (Avery and Ehrlich, 2002). The stress errors are heard in the words, yesterday where no stress on any syllable is heard and the word is spoken quickly without changes in pitch for the different syllables (Carruthers, 2006). There are also no pauses in between the words /Great, thanks/ and the words are uttered as one word, including in the phrase /a bit of delay/ where the words are run through seemingly as one continuous word (Carruthers, 2006). This is also the same with the word Manchester, where the stress on the first syllable is not heard. In uttering the words, /what about you?/, the speaker utters it in quickly without any pauses in between, and the listener can easily mistake the utterance as one word. In this case, the phrase may at times be unintelligible (Carruthers, 2006). The qualities of the Japanese language in relation to its tone and pitch can make it difficult for the Japanese speakers in English to produce and perceive the stress patterns in English (Avery and Ehrlich, 2002). Such pronunciations may be attributed to the fact that the Japanese language is considered syllable-timed, wherein in the time of uttering the word is based on the number of syllables, with each syllable also given the same time of utterance (Carruthers, 2006). In the English language however, the timing of the utterance is based on stress, wherein the number of syllables stressed in the word would help establish the length of utterance (Carruthers, 2006). Japanese speakers in English fully utter their vowels and as such, these speakers’ pronunciation for the English words may not have reduced vowels sufficient to support the same English rhythm of utterance (Carruthers, 2006). For instance, the Japanese speakers actually have no reduced vowels, like /ə/, and while there may be Japanese contractions, there is no /ə/ in reduced speech (Carruthers, 2006). In effect, reduced speech words in English are not easy to pronounce and sometimes perceive (Thompson, 2001). In terms of intonation, Thompson (2001) has determined that Japanese focuses on different qualities in order to discover differences. Assimilation Assimilation or phonemic changes in the utterance by the Japanese speakers in English is apparent in terms of the word boundaries (Carruthers, 2006). The words /on the/ appearing as / ɒn zə/ or the words /have to/ which is pronounced as /həf tu/. In the English language, regressive assimilation is often seen, mostly with /t, d, n, s, z/ often associated with the place of the first consonant when words are strung together: as in /that person/ being said as /ðæp pɜ:sən/ or /good boy, being uttered as /gʊb bɔɪ/ or /that class/ being uttered as / ðæk klɑ:s/. This may also explain why many of the phrases uttered sounded like one continuous word. In effect, /t/ may appear as /p/ before the letters /m/, /p/, and /p/. The /k/ may also be changed to /g/ and /k/ or /d/ as /b/. The /s/ may be heard as /ʃ/. In relation to natural speech, there are unassimilated elements seen and seen more when compared to assimilated elements. In effect, being aware of this phenomenon would help; however, it does not have to be learned. More casual conversations can be assimilated; however, it is not important for the production of all learners. In some cases, L2 learners for English use their L1 habits of assimilation in pronouncing the L2 language. The way the English words are uttered in the interview are very much based on how the Japanese language is uttered and how their words are often spoken. In elision, also known to be gradation would cover the loss of phonemes in connected speech. Phonemes may sometimes disappear where the syllables are not stressed in a continuous utterance. The words /great, thanks/ were uttered as /ɡreɪtsəŋks/ or the words /a bit of delay/ which sounded like /əbɪtɒvədɪre/. In terms of the elision of /ə/, this may be seen in different ways. Where speech is connected, the / ə/, this may not be seen within word boundaries, when it is observed between stressed syllables like /it was fine/ which sounded like /ɪtwəfaɪn/, where the /s/ was not heard, but the words were run through one after the other. In connecting words, there may also be some lost syllables or, as in the phrase, /hot chocolate/ which could be heard as /hɒʃɒkrəɪt/ or the word /didn’t/ where the /t/ is not heard and sounds like /didn/. The speakers in the recording also show the loss of /t/ and /of/ in some phrases, like in the phrase /what about you/ which sounds like /wətəbaʊju/. British English also maintains the final linking /r/ when it comes after a vowel, but the /r/ at the end is considered intrusive in the Japanese language. As a result, it is not heard. Phonetic specifications may also indicate word boundaries like in /I quite/ which is sounded here as /aɪk waɪt / and /I think/ which is heard as /aɪs ɪnk/. Junctures may lead to issues and within specific word boundaries, allophones may provide specifications. The words /a name/ may be heard as /ən eɪm/ or in this recording the words /shall i/ were heard as /ˈʃəlˈaɪ/. This problem may not be given much relevance but these distinctions may not be help the learners gain English mastery. Conclusion From this analysis, it is apparent to note that there are difficulties for Japanese speakers in English, especially as the Japanese language has only five vowels, as compared to numerous vowels in the English language. Adjustments therefore have to be made on how the English language is spoken in order to fill in the vowels. In some cases, some vowels and consonants are missed out or lost altogether. References Avery, P., & Ehrlich, S. (1992). Teaching American English pronunciation. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press Bowen, T. & Marks, J. (1992). The Pronunciation Book. London: Longman. Brown, G. (1990) Listening to Spoken English, (2nd ed).London: Longman. Carruthers, S. W. (2006). Pronunciation difficulties of Japanese speakers of English: Predictions based on a contrastive analysis. Hawaii Pacific University TESOL Working Paper Series, 4(2), 17-24. Celce-Murcia, M., Brinton, D. M., & Goodwin, J. M. (1996). 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Smith (Eds.), Learner English: A teacher’s guide to interference and other problems (2nd ed., pp. 296-309). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Read More