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In the early 1980s, the Reagan Administration made increasing use of Honduras as a base for the contra war. The Administration set up a lot of military and training facilities--some American, some contra, and some housing Argentine mercenaries--along the border between Nicaragua and Honduras (Kombluh, 139). The country, as one observer noted, was little more than "an [stationary] aircraft carrier," which he described as "the USS Honduras” (Lafeber, 309).
The strike officially began on May 29, and on June 1 the manufacturers met publicly to plan their resistance. Their strategies were carried out on two fronts. They pressured the proprietors into holding out indefinitely by refusing to send new collars and cuffs to any laundry. Also, the manufacturers attempted to undermine directly the union’s efforts to weather the strike. They tried to create a negative image of the union through the press, which they virtually controlled. They prevented a few collar manufacturers in other cities from patronizing the unions’ cooperative laundry even though it claimed it could provide the same services for 25 percent less. Under these circumstances, the collar ironers’ tactics were much less useful.
Two days after the strike began on May 29, the manufacturers met publicly to plan their response. They had two strategies. They pressured the owners into holding out indefinitely by declining to send new collars and cuffs to any laundry, and they tried to directly destabilize the union’s efforts to outlast the strike. They also tried to create a negative image of the union through the newspapers, which they virtually controlled. They prevented a few collar manufacturers in other cities from using the unions’ cooperative laundry even though it could provide the same services for 25 percent less. Under these circumstances, the collar ironers’ tactics were much less useful (Turbin, 224).
Shortly after the two rogues, who pass themselves off as a duke and a king, invade the raft of Huck and Jim, they decide to raise funds by performing scenes from Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet and Richard III. That the presentation of Shakespeare in small Mississippi towns could be conceived of as potentially lucrative tells us much about the position of Shakespeare in the nineteenth century. (Lawrence Levine, Highbrow, Lowbrow: The Emergence of a Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, 1986, p. 10).
Soon after the two thieves, who pretend they are a king and a duke, capture Huck and Jim’s raft, they try to make money by putting on two Shakespeare plays (Romeo and Juliet and Richard III). Because the production of Shakespeare in tiny Southern towns is seen as possibly profitable, we learn a lot about the status of Shakespeare before the twentieth century.
"Despite the strong public opposition, the Reagan administration continued to install so many North American men, supplies, and facilities in Honduras that one expert called it "the USS Honduras, a stationary aircraft carrier of sorts" (Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions, New York, 1989, 309).
"By December 1981, American agents--some CIA, some U.S. Special Forces--were working through Argentine intermediaries to set up safe houses, training centers, and base camps along the Nicaraguan-Honduran border" (Peter Kornbluh, "Nicaragua," in Michael Klare (ed), Low-Intensity Warfare, New York, 1983, 139).
Despite strong public opposition, the Reagan Administration "continued to install so many North American men, supplies, and facilities in Honduras that one expert called it the USS Honduras, a stationary aircraft carrier of sorts" (Lafeber, 309).
In December 1981, American agents--some CIA Special Forces--were working through Argentine intermediaries to set up "safe houses, training centers, and base camps along the Nicaraguan-Honduran border” (Klare, 139).
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