The Place of English in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - Literature review Example

The place of English in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Name) (Institution) (Module) (Course) (Instructor’s Name) Date “The lives of the speakers of a language are dominated by another language to the point where they believe that they can and should use only that foreign language when it comes to transactions dealing with the more advanced aspects of life” (Ansre 1979: 12-13 qtd. in Phillipson 1992: 56). Introduction Early in 2012, the Interior ministry of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSM) instructed that all government and private agencies should stop using the Gregorian/English calendar and shift to the Arabic Hirji calendar. Front office staffs at major hotels were also instructed to answer telephones using Arabic. This was in response to increased use of the English for government functions and the Gregorian calendar which crates unnecessary difficulties in translating dates (Gulf News, 2012). The domination of Saudi Arabia’s government affairs by English, which has no official or second language status in the country, points to a reality of the assertions made by Ansre in 1979 (cited in Phillipson 1992). The irony of this government regulation is that Article 50 of the Educational Policy in the KSA states that students should learn at least one foreign language so that they may relate with speakers of other languages with an intention to contribute to the message of Islam and serving humanity (Al-Seghayer, 2012). However, KSA has never been colonised by the British or any English speaking nation. So how did English get to reach the kingdom and what its current status in the society? This paper attempts to answer these questions and also establish the status of English in the Saudi Arabian society and educational system by borrowing from relevant text. History of English in KSA The KSA was first established in the early 1932 headed by King Abdul Aziz. However, Saudi Arabia had been in existence since the early 18th century (Jenkins 2003). Today the country has a population of over 17 million people inclusive of around 4 million foreigners. Nearly 98% of the people are Muslims while 100%are Arabs (Al-Murabit, 2012). Arabic is the official language in the country. English is a foreign language and is part of the educational system taught in schools starting in elementary. Majority of the tertiary education in the country is taught using English. The high number of English speaking expatriates has increased the need for learning English and also facilitated its spread further. It is not clear how English was introduced in Saud Arabia. Many scholars argue that the arrival of the English language in KSA was triggered by trade relations between Saudi Arabia and English speaking countries. However, it is worth noting that, although English has never been an official language, a lingua franca or a second language or even a residual of colonization or a heritage of missionaries, it is one of the most sought after foreign languages in schools (Butt-Grifller, 2002). English as a language is used for teaching purposes, pursuing higher studies, understanding foreign culture, communicating with English speaking persons and for professional and business matters. In humanities, the language is taught as a required subject while in sciences it is taught as a medium of instructions. For example the King Fahad University of Petroleum and Minerals uses English as its exclusive medium of communication while a number of vocational and military academies study English as a subject (Al-Seghayer, 2005). English was introduced into the Saudi Arabian society by the Saudi government. After the establishment of the Directorate of Education in 1923, before, the kingdom was formed in 1932, English was introduced as foreign language alongside French into the Saudi Arabian educational system in 1927. The language was registered as a subject at the secondary school level with no definite learning objectives identified. With the establishment of the intermediate level, specific instructional objectives and syllabi for English language were established. This was later to be replicated in secondary schools. With education being fully funded by the government, it was seen as a direct government effort to increase the number of English speaking locals (Al-Seghayer, 2005). This was in recognition of English as a world language. So how did English become a world language? The spread of English into KSA Different theories explain the spread of English from the native speakers’ countries to the rest of the world KSA included. Plilipson (1992) noted that English had the tendency to annihilate and cannibalize local languages wherever it was introduced. This is also supported by Kachru (1996, 135) who puts it, ‘the universalization of English and the power of this language have come at a price; for some, the implications are agonizing, while for others they are a matter for ecstasy’. This therefore propelled it spread from its use in Britain to other countries such as its colonies in Africa including Zimbabwe, Kenya and Nigeria among others to other countries. Phillipson (1992) noted that there are two major forces that contributed to the spread of English to become a world language. These are 19th century British colonialism and 20th century American capitalism. Phillipson thus terms this as linguistic imperialism. This theory is contrasted by the Crystal who argued that the spread of English to become a world language was a result of coincidence and lack. He argues that English was comparatively easier to communicate in once learned by non-native speakers hence the people tended to ignore their mother tongues and natives languages in preference of English. Kachru (1986) on the other hand suggested the three circle model which classified the spread of English language from an inner circle of native speakers to an intermediate outer circle of second language speakers and the third outer circle of foreign language speakers. The inner circle comprises the predominantly native English speaking countries which are Britain, US and Australia. The intermediate circle comprises of countries that took up English as a second language through interaction with the members of the inner circle through colonization, trade or American capitalism. These include former colonies of Britain such as Kenya, Ghana, Nigeria and British Isles. The outermost circle comprises of countries that do not consider English as neither an official nor a second language but rather a foreign language. KSA belongs to the outer circle. Saudi Arabia’s economic progression and the desire to participate global trade was the driving factor for the adoption of English as a foreign language in the country. As aforementioned, the appreciation of the need to teach English as a foreign language in local schools was made even before the kingdom was established in 1932 (Jenkins 2003). The discovery of oil and expansion of the industry to serve the global trade required that a higher number of more Saudi nationals were capable of communicating effectively with the outside world to facilitate trade. Furthermore, the country receives over two million Muslim visitors annually for the Hajj and Umra pilgrimage. The higher amount of revenue obtained from the oil industry gave the government enough resources to launch and develop large-scale development programs touching on health, telecommunication, transport, water, social welfare and education. With a relatively unskilled population, the country was forced to import human resources from foreign countries. Majority of the foreigners sought were from Britain, the US and Australia. Furthermore, these countries had a number of companies involved in exploration and drilling of oil. As such, the influx of foreigners from English speaking countries, or the inner circle as per the Kachru model was high. To break the communication barrier, there was need to train Saudi nationals to communicate in English so as to facilitate interpretation and knowledge transfer to the locals. The Kachru model over simplifies English in assuming that there are no linguistic differences among members of one circle. This is not the case as English had developed into numerous societies shaped by social and cultural environments. In Britain for example, there exists a variety of English differentiated mainly through colloquialism and sayings. The same case applies to the US and Australia. In the same vein therefore, the spread of English in KSA has not developed under pressure from the inner circle as Kachru claimed. The case of KSA as the language is no longer viewed as an imperialist tool as claimed Phillipson (1992) but rather as a multinational tool (Bolton 2008). The government of KSA has identified the need for its local people to learn English and thereby effected the necessary policies. This is different from the cases of countries in the outer circle such as Nigeria, South Africa and Ghana which, through colonization and missionary contact, were forced to include English in their educational system by virtue of the colonialists introducing modern education. The role of government in spread of the English language The government and the component politicians play a vital role in shaping education policy in any country. As has been shown above the most potent driving force in the spread of English in KSA is the government through inclusion of English language as a subject in public schools. This paper has indicated that the government was pressed by the need for knowledge transfer and better working relations with expatriates to train more local people in the language. Theoretically, this can be aligned to emulation in the field of comparative policy. This means that politicians and government officials emulate policies used in other countries. They borrow education models, ideas and norms from one context and transplant it in their own. In the current case, it can be said that countries in Kachru’s outer circle, those that use English as a second language have intensified use of English in the population through introduction of the language in the education system. While in inner circle countries the language is used as the medium of communication official and for instruction purposes, there are many derivatives of the language learned. Such moves by the political class to emulate policies are driven by economic reasons, negative external evaluation, political change, internal dissatisfaction among others. In the case of Saudi Arabia, internal dissatisfaction, economic, and negative external evaluation are the most active catalysts that fuelled an education policy change that gave more emphasis on the English language. For economic reasons, KSA adopted English as a language in its education system to improve its workforce. The neoliberal economic theory of human capital posits that the most efficient path to national development of any society lies in the improvement of its human capital. Education is one of the leading ways to improve human capital as it increased new skills and contributes to social development, and modernization through inculcation of modern attitudes. In light of this theory, the English language is represented as the language of global commerce, trade and culture. It is therefore inherently beneficial socially and economically to any nation that aspires to play its role in global affairs. This reason has been cited many other countries in Kachru’s expanding circle where gulf countries including Iran, Oman and Jordan and others such as China have invested in the English language in a bid to be more engaged in global trade. In fact, the Pennycook (2004) cites an excerpt from the El Gazette that captures the high esteem with which the English language is regarded by many countries in the expanding circle in that it is viewed as a measure of ameliorating global poverty (cited in Borjian 2013). Therefore, it is apparent that the government of KSA has played an active role in the spread and popularization for the English language for various reasons. The language is now widely spoken and used for various reasons. However, some government forces are wary or the language’s tendencies to annihilate local languages as seen by the government directive calling for use of Arabic language and calendar in official government matters. Another interesting aspect worth analyzing is the place of English in the Saudi Arabian society and whether the language has been imposed on the people by the educational system or whether they have intrinsic motivation to learn the language. Use of English One of the key factors that determine the use and place of English of the language in a society depends on the methods of acquisition and the motivation behind it. As a foreign language, there are various reasons why anyone would choose to study a foreign language. However, in this age of multilingualism spurred by globalization, there are a number of factors that influence the motivation for learning a foreign language. As earlier indicated, English language proficient is an academic requirement in Saudi Arabian public schools. Individuals might have personal reasons to pursue the language. This will be discussed later in the paper under intrinsic motivations for learning English. As earlier indicated, the English language is used a language of instruction in a number of institutions. In private organizations dominated by expatriates, English is the common language. However, although primary schools teach English language, it is rarely used outside the classroom. Many of the official communication in KSA that involve foreigners from non Arab countries are handed in English. For instance, air traffic controllers in the country use English as is the case with many hospitals, international schools and hospitals. However, the language is most widely used in urban areas by the learned with rural folks sticking to Arabic. Intrinsic motivation in learning English Motivation is an important factor in acquisition of a non primary language. Intrinsic motivation is described as the motivation behind doing something for its own sake without external inducement. In this context, intrinsic motivation assesses whether Saudis would be willing to take up English as a foreign language were it not a curriculum requirement. Lepper and Hodell (1989) proposed four principle factors as the main sources of intrinsic motivation: challenge, curiosity, control and fantasy cited in (cited Moskovsky & Alrabai 2009). Vockel (2001) identifies that interpersonal motivation is also relevant in convincing individuals to engage in activities without external pressure. These interpersonal factors include competition, cooperation and recognition (cited Moskovsky & Alrabai 2009). The challenge of learning English as a source of intrinsic motivation largely occurs because: 1) learners set and try to achieve clearly defined objectives, 2) these objectives are not perceived as either exceptionally hard or as particularly easy, (c) learners are provided with constructive and encouraging feedback about their progress more so by their teachers/trainers, and (d) learners feel confident and competent after completing these tasks. According to Khodabakhshzadeh and Mousavi (2012), one of the most desired achievements among English learners in KSA and elsewhere in the world is to obtain the fluency and competence in the language similar to the native speakers. But what is fluency in a foreign language? The authors go ahead to cite Richard et al. (1985) who maintain that fluency is “the features which give speech the qualities of being natural and normal, including native-like use of pausing, rhythm, intonation, stress, rate of speaking, and use of interjections and interruptions” (p. 54). In the case of KSA, a large number of individuals learn English for educational purposes. Another fraction of English learners do so out of association with expatriates. These are the people who do not take formal classes but prefer to learn spoken English only. This is because English is highly regarded among urbanites and is seen as a sign of sophistication and a source of prestige. . Standard English or Saudi Arabian English There is an ongoing debate on whether English is an international language in relevance to different varieties of English. In a number of books and models exploring the spread of English around the world, the term ‘Englishes’ is common. This plural term is used in the belief that there are various types of the English language. Bolton (2008) indicates that the term Englishes recognises the existence of functional and formal variation in the language, and its international acculturation, for example in KSA. Using this logic therefore, it can be argued that there exists Saudi Arabian English, or Gulf English in respect to acculturation and localization of the language. One renowned expert in sociolinguistics, Pico Iyer (1983) indicated “there is not one English language anymore, but there are many English languages....each of these Englishes is creating its own very special literature, which, because it doesn’t feel oppressed by the immensely influential literary tradition in England is somehow freer” (cited in Boston, p. 369) Such a language therefore belongs to the people who use it as their first language and those who use it as an additional language, whether in localized of standard form. Bolton further explores this issue to cite Llazmon (1983) who says that the new varieties of English as identifiable with four essential sets of features: ecological, historical, sociolinguistic and cultural. However, in the teaching of the language, teachers have to be aware of the prescriptive rules applicable to the language. In so doing, they must acknowledge the different rules that govern language use that are influenced by native languages. Milroy (1999) says that conformity to rules governing English as a language arose not out a need to impose authoritarian rule in the national standards but rather the rules developed in response to wider social, political and commercial needs. Sharifian (2009) also suggests that there is need for a paradigm shift in EIL teaching to swing it from a monolithic view of English to a pluralistic one which reflects the complex nature of English today. This is very relevant to the case of ELT in KSA where foreign teachers from different countries are with different varieties of English are wrongly presumed to be teaching one standardised version of English. It can be perceived to be improper to impose language rules on learners based on the teacher’s conception of the ‘right English’ or ‘standard English’ instead of allowing the language to develop in response to wider social, political and commercial needs. Nonetheless, the standardization of English is only possible in written English which in the case of KSM is carried out for academic purposes. The structures of spoken English outside the classroom are very different from the written English. English in Saudi Primary Schools The educational policy in KSA falls discretely under the jurisdiction of its royal rulers. This differs in other countries where educational policies are formulated and implemented by technocrats and experts in the field. This domination of education policies by the royal rulers has created a myriad of problems. In 2008, one of Saudi's high-ranking royals, Prince Turki Al-Faisal, admitted in an interview that the KSA education system faced a number of problems (Elyas 2008). The government however was in processes of rectifying the situation which was evident in the declaration of English as a mandatory subject in primary schools. However, this move was vehemently objected by conservative Muslim scholars who viewed the move as a way a way of westernizing the country’s youth rather than enabling them academically. For a highly conservative society such as KSM, this move also elicited various views among the public. Despite the opposition, the government introduced the learning of English as a second language in the public school system starting from 6th grade. This was later lowered to 5th grade and plans are underway to lower it further to 4th grade. The logic behind this was that children at 6th grade are too old to be introduced to a new language. The English taught in these schools have been criticised by many education experts. An article in the Arab News website recently cited many shortcomings of the systems and the curriculum (Naffee 2013). Curriculum development For over 70 years since the introduction of English Language in the Saudi Arabian education system, the English language curriculum has evolved in various ways. The initial curriculum developed in the country was made with assistance from foreign expatriates and teachers guided by particular curriculum development model. A curriculum aimed at streamlining the acquisition of the language by learners. Stenhouse (1975, 4) defines curriculum as “an attempt to communicate the essential principles and features of an educational proposal in such a form that it is open to critical scrutiny and capable of effective translation into practice.” True to the word, the KSA English language curriculum has been critiques by various sources. One of the core accusations is that the English taught in Saudi Arabian schools is not useful beyond the classroom. For this reason, a number of evaluations and changes have been made to meet current needs. There are various models in the market that influence the development of curriculums. First and foremost, there are different philosophical perspectives on how a curriculum should be developed. Ralph Tyler developed the behavioural objectives approach that led to the development of linear and ‘product-oriented’ curriculums informed by technical interests. This approach treated students as depositories where knowledge is banked, manageable and manipulatable. This approach is contrasted by the second approach, ‘process’ or ‘experience’ approach that held that curriculums should be formulated as processes or learning experience. This approach respected the human dignity and acknowledged the student as an active partner in the learning process (Al-Murabit 2012). These opposing approaches in curriculum development have been very influential in how English is taught in KSA and how individual schools develop their curriculums. One of them advocates the teaching of English as a means to an end and the other as an end in itself. The behavioural approach calls for curriculums to identify objectives. This means that the learning process with be shaped by predetermined objectives while the leaning experience will be determined by the skills of the curriculum developers. Therefore, the product approach means that success of a curriculum will be measured by how perfectly the end product meets the predetermine objectives. This means that the learning process is clearly spelt out step by step on how the objective is to be achieved. This approach limits the teacher in utilizing instructional opportunities and does not offer teaching moment. The process approach on the other hand does not view curriculum as physical things such as a set of documents to be implemented but rather the interaction between teachers, students and knowledge. As such, the curriculum is seen as an active process that offers opportunities for practical reasoning. Stenhouse (1975) likened a curriculum to a recipe saying that it can be adjusted in terms of ingredients and nutritional value to meet specific needs. He further said that a curriculum starts off as an imagined possibility then subjected to experiment. For this reason, curriculum must be tested on pilot projects before they are rolled out for wider use. Sample curriculum A closer look at a foundation year’s language curriculum of a Saudi community college which uses English as a medium of instruction reveals current issues affecting development of English teaching curriculums in the country. Background There are more than 40 community colleges in KSA. All colleges are supervised by universities as opposed to ministry of education. These colleges are aimed at reducing the burden on universities and hence college graduates cannot join universities in KSA. With growth in the use of English, universities have a tendency to include studying English as main component of the foundation year. This has been followed by some community colleges. In this particular college, English is the main language f instructions. English is taught for two semesters for beginners and low-intermediate level students. The English taught prepares students to undertake their majors using English. The formulation of an English curriculum falls under the ‘General Required Courses’ department which offer supportive skills such as English, work ethics and communication skills. Two English courses are offered, level 1 and level 2. Each course takes 20 hours every week. The hours were later restructured to include 10 hours main course book, 5 hours listening and speaking class and 5 hours grammar and writing. Level 1 used Keep Writing Book 1 as the textbook while level 2 used Keep Writing Book 2 as the textbook (Al-Murabit, 2012). The curriculum was first planned at the introduction of the course in the college. It was planned based on ready to use text books based on needs analysis. The major need in this case was use of English as an instructional medium. The curriculum was also set using the goals/objectives approach. The official course description identifies the goals and objectives for the two courses as: Level 1: Goals: “This course is designed to provide students with language basics; to improve their ability to communicate in English; and to improve their understanding of written texts. In addition, the students should be able to use English in some different real life situations” (Al-Murabit, 234). Objectives/course competencies: - Engage in short exchanges to provide and obtain simple personal information. - Extract main ideas in short listening passages. - Guess meaning of vocabulary limited to familiar social topics. - Read short written material limited to selected topics. Level 2: Goals: “This course follows the multi-skills syllabus in which components of the course are linked. The course covers the four skills of listening, speaking, reading, and writing, as well as improving pronunciation and building vocabulary. Moreover, particular emphasis is placed on essential language functions, which develop the students’ communicative skills and enable them to participate in simple communication on a wide variety of topics” (Al-Murabit, 234). Course competencies/objectives - Determine to a limited degree attitudes and feeling of others. - Produce short pieces of writing. - Extract gist and main ideas from short conversations. - Use imperatives and information questions with (how many /how much). - Use basic politeness techniques. - Use to a limited degree informal language and idioms. From the above case, it is apparent that curriculum development in the college and presumably in the whole of KSA educational system follows the objectives approach in curriculum formulation. This approach only prepares students to learn English for the purposes of the set objectives and not actually ensuring proficiency in the language through practical learning. 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